Friday, June 27, 2014

Response to EC Public consultation on ISDS in TAFTA/TTIP

Thanks to Glyn Moody and EDRi for alerting me to the European Commission's public consultation on the Investor State Dispute Settlement ISDS) process in the proposed EU-US trade agreement, the Trans-Atlantic Free Trade Agreement (TAFTA), also known as the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP). I've liberally plagiarised and very lightly edited EDRi's guide to answering the consultation in producing my responses to the consultation.

Given that the EC form only allows 90 minutes to answer the 13 complex questions and provides no facility for saving your responses as you go along, it's a good idea to draft your response in advance. Fortunately the good folk at EDRi have also provided a EC ISDS TTIP drafting tool for just that purpose.

Consultation text below and my answers are in the boxes. Short version - the EC think ISDS in TAFTA is a good thing. I disagree. I object to the whole idea of an ISDS system. It is an affront to the rule of law, the sovereignty of nation states and the whole notion of respect for fundamental human rights.

INTRODUCTION

Investment protection provisions consist of a limited number of standards guaranteeing that governments will respect certain fundamental principles of treatment that a foreign investor can rely upon when making a decision to invest. These fundamental principles of treatment are reflected in the rights that democratic governments grant to their own citizens and companies (such as no expropriation without compensation, access to justice, protection against coercion and harassment, non-discrimination), but they are not always guaranteed for foreigners or foreign companies. At the same time foreign investors, just as domestic ones, must fully respect the domestic legal regime of the host country.

The overall purpose of international investment agreements is to ensure that the country hosting an investment treats foreign investors in accordance with these fundamental principles, while maintaining the right to take measures for the public good according to the level of ambition that they deem appropriate.  

The specific EU objective in our trade and investment agreements, or in the investment protection section of the TTIP, is to strengthen the balance between investment protection and the right to regulate, through clarifying and improving the substantive investment protection provisions while at the same time preserving the right of States to take measures for legitimate public policy objectives.

More precisely, the EU is introducing modern and innovative provisions clarifying the meaning of those investment protection standards that have raised concerns in the past, notably: fair and equitable treatment (which in the EU's approach will be limited to a closed list of basic rights for investors) and indirect expropriation (which in the EU's approach will ensure that measures taken for legitimate public policy objectives cannot be considered to be an indirect expropriation). Under the EU's approach, the right to regulate is confirmed as a basic underlying principle. The EU also wants to ensure that all necessary exceptions and safeguards are in place, thus retaining essential public policy space for example to deal with a financial crisis.

The EU approach is further explained through the following background information and questions. For each relevant issue, we invite your comments and suggestions. Each issue is illustrated using reference texts as examples, taken from other investment agreements and from the approach developed in the EU-Canada (CETA) negotiations, which is the most recent text negotiated by the EU.


Explanation of the issue

The scope of the agreement responds to a key question: What type of investments and investors should be protected? Our response is that investment protection should apply to those investments and to investors that have made an investment in accordance with the laws of the country where they have invested.

Approach in most investment agreements

Many international investment agreements have broad provisions defining “investor” and “investment”.

In most cases, the definition of “investment” is intentionally broad, as investment is generally a complex operation that may involve a wide range of assets, such as land, buildings, machinery, equipment, intellectual property rights, contracts, licences, shares, bonds, and various financial instruments. At the same time, most bilateral investment agreements refer to “investments made in accordance with applicable law”. This reference has worked well and has allowed ISDS tribunals to refuse to grant investment protection to investors who have not respected the law of the host state when making the investment (for example, by structuring the investment in such a way as to circumvent clear prohibitions in the law of the host state, or by procuring an investment fraudulently or through bribery).

In many investment agreements, the definition of “investor” simply refers to natural and juridical persons of the other Party to the agreement, without further refinement. This has allowed in some cases so–called “shell” or “mailbox” companies, owned or controlled by nationals or companies not intended to be protected by the agreement and having no real business activities in the country concerned, to make use of an investment agreement to launch claims before an ISDS tribunal.

The EU's objectives and approach

The EU wants to avoid abuse. This is achieved primarily by improving the definition of “investor”, thus eliminating so –called “shell” or “mailbox” companies owned by nationals of third countries from the scope: in order to qualify as a legitimate investor of a Party, a juridical person must have substantial business activities in the territory of that Party.

At the same time, the EU wants to rely on past treaty practice with a proven track record. The reference to “investments made in accordance with the applicable law” is one such example. Another is the clarification that protection is only granted in situations where investors have already committed substantial resources in the host state - and not when they are simply at the stage where they are planning to do so.

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Explanation of the issue

Under the standards of non-discriminatory treatment of investors, a state Party to the agreement commits itself to treat foreign investors from the other Party in the same way in which it treats its own investors (national treatment), as well in the same way in which it treats investors from other countries (most-favoured nation treatment). This ensures a level playing field between foreign investors and local investors or investors from other countries. For instance, if a certain chemical substance were to be proven to be toxic to health, and the state took a decision that it should be prohibited, the state should not impose this prohibition only on foreign companies, while allowing domestic ones to continue to produce and sell that substance.

Non-discrimination obligations may apply after the foreign investor has made the investment in accordance with the applicable law (post-establishment), but they may also apply to the conditions of access of that investor to the market of the host country (pre-establishment).  

Approach in most existing investment agreements

The standards of national treatment and most-favoured nation (MFN) treatment are considered to be key provisions of investment agreements and therefore they have been consistently included in such agreements, although with some variation in substance.

Regarding national treatment, many investment agreements do not allow states to discriminate between a domestic and a foreign investor once the latter is already established in a Party’s territory. Other agreements, however, allow such discrimination to take place in a limited number of sectors.

Regarding MFN, most investment agreements do not clarify whether foreign investors are entitled to take advantage of procedural or substantive provisions contained in other past or future agreements concluded by the host country. Thus, investors may be able to claim that they are entitled to benefit from any provision of another agreement that they consider to be more favourable, which may even permit the application of an entirely new standard of protection that was not found in the original agreement. In practice, this is commonly referred to as "importation of standards".

The EU’s objectives and approach

The EU considers that, as a matter of principle, established investors should not be discriminated against after they have established in the territory of the host country, while at the same recognises that in certain rare cases and in some very specific sectors, discrimination against already established investors may need to be envisaged. The situation is different with regard to the right of establishment, where the Parties may choose whether or not to open certain markets or sectors, as they see fit.

On the "importation of standards" issue, the EU seeks to clarify that MFN does not allow procedural or substantive provisions to be imported from other agreements.

The EU also includes exceptions allowing the Parties to take measures relating to the protection of health, the environment, consumers, etc. Additional carve-outs would apply to the audio-visual sector and the granting of subsidies. These are typically included in EU FTAs and also apply to the non-discrimination obligations relating to investment. Such exceptions allow differences in treatment between investors and investments where necessary to achieve public policy objectives.

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Explanation of the issue

The obligation to grant foreign investors fair and equitable treatment (FET) is one of the key investment protection standards. It ensures that investors and investments are protected against treatment by the host country which, even if not expropriatory or discriminatory, is still unacceptable because it is arbitrary, unfair, abusive, etc. 

Approach in most investment agreements

The FET standard is present in most international investment agreements. However, in many cases the standard is not defined, and it is usually not limited or clarified. Inevitably, this has given arbitral tribunals significant room for interpretation, and the interpretations adopted by arbitral tribunals have varied from very narrow to very broad, leading to much controversy about the precise meaning of the standard. This lack of clarity has fueled a large number of ISDS claims by investors, some of which have raised concern with regard to the states' right to regulate. In particular, in some cases, the standard has been understood to encompass the protection of the legitimate expectations of investors in a very broad way, including the expectation of a stable general legislative framework.

Certain investment agreements have narrowed down the content of the FET standard by linking it to concepts that are considered to be part of customary international law, such as the minimum standard of treatment that countries must respect in relation to the treatment accorded to foreigners. However, this has also resulted in a wide range of differing arbitral tribunal decisions on what is or is not covered by customary international law, and has not brought the desired greater clarity to the definition of the standard.

An issue sometimes linked to the FET standard is the respect by the host country of its legal obligations towards the foreign investors and their investments (sometimes referred to as an "umbrella clause"), e.g. when the host country has entered into a contract with the foreign investor. Investment agreements may have specific provisions to this effect, which have sometimes been interpreted broadly as implying that every breach of e.g. a contractual obligation could constitute a breach of the investment agreement.

EU objectives and approach

The main objective of the EU is to clarify the standard, in particular by incorporating key lessons learned from case-law. This would eliminate uncertainty for both states and investors.

Under this approach, a state could be held responsible for a breach of the fair and equitable treatment obligation only for breaches of a limited set of basic rights, namely: the denial of justice; the disregard of the fundamental principles of due process; manifest arbitrariness; targeted discrimination based on gender, race or religious belief; and abusive treatment, such as coercion, duress or harassment. This list may be extended only where the Parties (the EU and the US) specifically agree to add such elements to the content of the standard, for instance where there is evidence that new elements of the standard have emerged from international law.

The “legitimate expectations” of the investor may be taken into account in the interpretation of the standard. However, this is possible only where clear, specific representations have been made by a Party to the agreement in order to convince the investor to make or maintain the investment and upon which the investor relied, and that were subsequently not respected by that Party. The intention is to make it clear that an investor cannot legitimately expect that the general regulatory and legal regime will not change. Thus the EU intends to ensure that the standard is not understood to be a “stabilisation obligation”, in other words a guarantee that the legislation of the host state will not change in a way that might negatively affect investors.

In line with the general objective of clarifying the content of the standard, the EU shall also strive, where necessary, to provide protection to foreign investors in situations in which the host state uses its sovereign powers to avoid contractual obligations towards foreign investors or their investments, without however covering ordinary contractual breaches like the non-payment of an invoice.

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Explanation of the issue

The right to property is a human right, enshrined in the European Convention of Human Rights, in the European Charter of Fundamental Rights as well as in the legal tradition of EU Member States. This right is crucial to investors and investments. Indeed, the greatest risk that investors may incur in a foreign country is the risk of having their investment expropriated without compensation. This is why the guarantees against expropriation are placed at the core of any international investment agreement.

Direct expropriations, which entail the outright seizure of a property right, do not occur often nowadays and usually do not generate controversy in arbitral practice. However, arbitral tribunals are confronted with a much more difficult task when it comes to assessing whether a regulatory measure of a state, which does not entail the direct transfer of the property right, might be considered equivalent to expropriation (indirect expropriation).

Approach in most investment agreements

In investment agreements, expropriations are permitted if they are for a public purposenon-discriminatory, resulting from the due process of law and are accompanied by prompt and effective compensation. This applies to both direct expropriation (such as nationalisation) and indirect expropriation (a measure having an effect equivalent to expropriation).

Indirect expropriation has been a source of concern in certain cases where regulatory measures taken for legitimate purposes have been subject to investor claims for compensation, on the grounds that such measures were equivalent to expropriation because of their significant negative impact on investment. Most investment agreements do not provide details or guidance in this respect, which has inevitably left arbitral tribunals with significant room for interpretation.

The EU's objectives and approach

The objective of the EU is to clarify the provisions on expropriation and to provide interpretative guidance with regard to indirect expropriation in order to avoid claims against legitimate public policy measures.  The EU wants to make it clear that non-discriminatory measures taken for legitimate public purposes, such as to protect health or the environmentcannot be considered equivalent to an expropriation, unless they are manifestly excessive in light of their purpose. The EU also wants to clarify that the simple fact that a measure has an impact on the economic value of the investment does not justify a claim that an indirect expropriation has occurred.

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Explanation of the issue

In democratic societies, the right to regulate of states is subject to principles and rules contained in both domestic legislation and in international law. For instance, in the European Convention on Human Rights, the Contracting States commit themselves to guarantee a number of civil and political rights. In the EU, the Constitutions of the Member States, as well as EU law, ensure that the actions of the state cannot go against fundamental rights of the citizens. Hence, public regulation must be based on a legitimate purpose and be necessary in a democratic society.

Investment agreements reflect this perspective. Nevertheless, wherever such agreements contain provisions that appear to be very broad or ambiguous, there is always a risk that the arbitral tribunals interpret them in a manner which may be perceived as a threat to the state's right to regulate. In the end, the decisions of arbitral tribunals are only as good as the provisions that they have to interpret and apply.

 Approach in most investment agreements

Most agreements that are focused on investment protection are silent about how public policy issues, such as public health, environmental protection, consumer protection or prudential regulation, might interact with investment. Consequently, the relationship between the protection of investments and the right to regulate in such areas, as envisaged by the contracting Parties to such agreements is not clear and this creates uncertainty.

In more recent agreements, however, this concern is increasingly addressed through, on the one hand, clarification of the key investment protection provisions that have proved to be controversial in the past and, on the other hand, carefully drafted exceptions to certain commitments. In complex agreements such as free trade agreements with provisions on investment, or regional integration agreements, the inclusion of such safeguards is the usual practice.

The EU's objectives and approach

The objective of the EU is to achieve a solid balance between the protection of investors and the Parties' right to regulate.

First of all, the EU wants to make sure that the Parties' right to regulate is confirmed as a basic underlying principle. This is important, as arbitral tribunals will have to take this principle into account when assessing any dispute settlement case.

Secondly, the EU will introduce clear and innovative provisions with regard to investment protection standards that have raised concern in the past (for instance, the standard of fair and equitable treatment is defined based on a closed list of basic rights; the annex on expropriation clarifies that non-discriminatory measures for legitimate public policy objectives do not constitute indirect expropriation). These improvements will ensure that investment protection standards cannot be interpreted by arbitral tribunals in a way that is detrimental to the right to regulate.

Third, the EU will ensure that all the necessary safeguards and exceptions are in place. For instance, foreign investors should be able to establish in the EU only under the terms and conditions defined by the EU. A list of horizontal exceptions will apply to non-discrimination obligations, in relation to measures such as those taken in the field of environmental protection, consumer protection or health (see question 2 for details). Additional carve-outs would apply to the audiovisual sector and the granting of subsidies. Decisions on competition matters will not be subject to investor-to-state dispute settlement (ISDS). Furthermore, in line with other EU agreements, nothing in the agreement would prevent a Party from taking measures for prudential reasons, including measures for the protection of depositors or measures to ensure the integrity and stability of its financial system. In addition, EU agreements contain general exceptions applying in situations of crisis, such as in circumstances of serious difficulties for the operation of the exchange rate policy or monetary policy, balance of payments or external financial difficulties, or threat thereof.

In terms of the procedural aspects relating to ISDS, the objective of the EU is to build a system capable of adapting to the states' right to regulate. Wherever greater clarity and precision proves necessary in order to protect the right to regulate, the Parties will have the possibility to adopt interpretations of the investment protection provisions which will be binding on arbitral tribunals.  This will allow the Parties to oversee how the agreement is interpreted in practice and, where necessary, to influence the interpretation.

The procedural improvements proposed by the EU will also make it clear that an arbitral tribunal will not be able to order the repeal of a measure, but only compensation for the investor.

Furthermore, frivolous claims will be prevented and investors who bring claims unsuccessfully will pay the costs of the government concerned (see question 9).Link to reference text



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INTRODUCTION

Investor-to-state dispute settlement (ISDS) is a legal instrument that allows investors to bring a claim before an arbitration tribunal that the host state has not respected the investment protection rules under TTIP. Domestic remedies would be preferable, but TTIP provisions cannot be invoked directly in front of a national court. Despite the general solidity of developed court systems such as the US and the EU, it is possible that investors will not be given effective access to justice, e.g. if they are denied access to appeal or due process, leaving them without any effective legal remedy. ISDS is therefore necessary to allow legitimate claims to be pursued. In such cases, the investors would have to prove that the measures have breached the investment protection provisions and that it caused them damage.  

The possibility for investors to resort to ISDS is a standard feature of virtually all the 3000 investment agreements in existence today, including the 1400 signed by EU Member States. Most of these agreements contain a standard paragraph stating that investors can to go to ISDS in case of a breach of the investment protection provisions. The agreements themselves do not contain any precise procedural framework for how an ISDS case should be handled by a tribunal. The ISDS tribunal must work on the basis of international arbitration rules that set a general procedural framework. The most common are the rules of the International Centre for the Settlement of Investment Disputes (“ICSID”, a World Bank body) or those of the United Nations Commission for International Trade Law (“UNCITRAL”). However, these rules only partially address the problems which have come to light over the last years with the ISDS system, notably on transparency, the conduct of arbitrators and the absence of any appeal mechanism. 

The EU is working to develop an efficient and modern ISDS mechanism which is equipped to deal with these problems. The EU will improve the ISDS mechanism under TTIP compared to existing investment agreements. The improvements are explained in the questions that follow where we ask you to comment and make suggestions. Through these improvements, the EU aims to ensure a transparent, accountable and well-functioning ISDS system that reflects the public interest and policy objectives. The EU will encourage the amicable settlement of disputes, through a required period for consultations, and the possibility of mediation. The EU also aims to enhance consistency of rulings, including by the establishment of an appeal mechanism and by allowing for the governments to provide guidance and interpretation so that their intentions are respected. A further consideration is how to avoid frivolous or unfounded claims; the EU will introduce mechanisms to allow for a quick dismissal of such claims. Transparency and the possibility for stakeholders to make their views heard in the process underpin these improvements and are essential for an accountable and credible ISDS system.   


Explanation of the issue

In most ISDS cases, no or little information is made available to the public, hearings are not open and third parties are not allowed to intervene in the proceedings. This makes it difficult for the public to know the basic facts and to evaluate the claims being brought by either side.

This lack of openness has given rise to concern and confusion with regard to the causes and potential outcomes of ISDS disputes. Transparency is essential to ensure the legitimacy and accountability of the system. It enables stakeholders interested in a dispute to be informed and contribute to the proceedings. It fosters accountability in arbitrators, as their decisions are open to scrutiny. It contributes to consistency and predictability as it helps create a body of cases and information that can be relied on by investors, stakeholders, states and ISDS tribunals.

Approach in most existing investment agreements

Under the rules that apply in most existing agreements, both the responding state and the investor need to agree to permit the publication of submissions. If either the investor or the responding state does not agree to publication, documents cannot be made public. As a result, most ISDS cases take place behind closed doors and no or a limited number of documents are made available to the public.

The EUs objectives and approach 

The EU's aim is to ensure transparency and openness in the ISDS system under TTIP. The EU will include provisions to guarantee that hearings are open and that all documents are available to the public. In ISDS cases brought under TTIP, all documents will be publicly available (subject only to the protection of confidential information and business secrets) and hearings will be open to the public. Interested parties from civil society will be able to file submissions to make their views and arguments known to the ISDS tribunal. 
The EU took a leading role in establishing new United Nations rules on transparency[1] in ISDS. The objective of transparency will be achieved by incorporating these rules into TTIP.

[1] UNCITRAL Rules on Transparency in Treaty-based Investor-State Arbitration http://www.uncitral.org/pdf/english/texts/arbitration/rules-on-transparency/Rules-on-Transparency-E.pdf

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Explanation of the issue

Investors who consider that they have grounds to complain about action taken by the authorities (e.g. discrimination or lack of compensation after expropriation) often have different options. They may be able to go to domestic courts and seek redress there. They or any related companies may be able to go to other international tribunals under other international investment treaties.

It is often the case that protection offered in investment agreements cannot be invoked before domestic courts and the applicable legal rules are different. For example, discrimination in favour of local companies is not prohibited under US law but is prohibited in investment agreements. There are also concerns that, in some cases domestic courts may favour the local government over the foreign investor e.g. when assessing a claim for compensation for expropriation or may deny due process rights such as the effective possibility to appeal. Governments may have immunity from being sued. In addition, the remedies are often different. In some cases government measures can be reversed by domestic courts, for example if they are illegal or unconstitutional. ISDS tribunals cannot order governments to reverse measures.

These different possibilities raise important and complex issues. It is important to make sure that a government does not pay more than the correct compensation. It is also important to ensure consistency between rulings.

Approach in most existing investment agreements

Existing investment agreements generally do not regulate or address the relationship with domestic courts or other ISDS tribunals. Some agreements require that the investor choses between domestic courts and ISDS tribunals. This is often referred to as "fork in the road" clause.

The EUs objectives and approach

As a matter of principle, the EU’s approach favours domestic courts. The EU aims to provide incentives for investors to pursue claims in domestic courts or to seek amicable solutions – such as mediation. The EU will suggest different instruments to do this. One is to prolong the relevant time limits if an investor goes to domestic courts or mediation on the same matter, so as not to discourage an investor from pursuing these avenues.  Another important element is to make sure that investors cannot bring claims on the same matter at the same time in front of an ISDS tribunal and domestic courts. The EU will also ensure that companies affiliated with the investor cannot bring claims in front of an ISDS tribunal and domestic courts on the same matter and at the same time. If there are other relevant or related cases, ISDS tribunals must take these into account. This is done to avoid any risk that the investor is over-compensated and helps to ensure consistency by excluding the possibility for parallel claims.

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Explanation of the issue

There is concern that arbitrators on ISDS tribunals do not always act in an independent and impartial manner. Because the individuals in question may not only act as arbitrators, but also as lawyers for companies or governments, concerns have been expressed as to potential bias or conflicts of interest.

Some have also expressed concerns about the qualifications of arbitrators and that they may not have the necessary qualifications on matters of public interest or on matters that require a balancing between investment protection and e.g. environment, health or consumer protection.

Approach in existing investment agreements

Most existing investment agreements do not address the issue of the conduct or behaviour of arbitrators. International rules on arbitration address the issue by allowing the responding government or the investor to challenge the choice of arbitrator because of concerns of suitability.

Most agreements allow the investor and the responding state to select arbitrators but do not establish rules on the qualifications or a list of approved, qualified arbitrators to draw from.
 
The EU’s objective and approach 
The EU aims to establish clear rules to ensure that arbitrators are independent and act ethically. The EU will introduce specific requirements in the TTIP on the ethical conduct of arbitrators, including a code of conduct. This code of conduct will be binding on arbitrators in ISDS tribunals set up under TTIP.  The code of conduct also establishes procedures to identify and deal with any conflicts of interest.  Failure to abide by these ethical rules will result in the removal of the arbitrator from the tribunal. For example, if a responding state considers that the arbitrator chosen by the investor does not have the necessary qualifications or that he has a conflict of interest, the responding state can challenge the appointment. If the arbitrator is in breach of the Code of Conduct, he/she will be removed from the tribunal. In case the ISDS tribunal has already rendered its award and a breach of the code of conduct is found, the responding state or the investor can request a reversal of that ISDS finding.

In the text provided as reference (the draft EU-Canada Agreement), the Parties (i.e. the EU and Canada) have agreed for the first time in an investment agreement to include rules on the conduct of arbitrators, and have included the possibility to improve them further if necessary. In the context of TTIP these would be directly included in the agreement.

As regards the qualifications of ISDS arbitrators, the EU aims to set down detailed requirements for the arbitrators who act in ISDS tribunals under TTIP. They must be independent and impartial, with expertise in international law and international investment law and, if possible, experience in international trade law and international dispute resolution. Among those best qualified and who have undertaken such tasks will be retired judges, who generally have experience in ruling on issues that touch upon both trade and investment and on societal and public policy issues. The EU also aims to set up a roster, i.e. a list of qualified individuals from which the Chairperson for the ISDS tribunal is drawn, if the investor or the responding state cannot otherwise agree to a Chairperson. The purpose of such a roster is to ensure that the EU and the US have agreed to and vetted the arbitrators to ensure their abilities and independence.  In this way the responding state chooses one arbitrator and has vetted the third arbitrator.

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Explanation of the issue

As in all legal systems, cases are brought that have little or no chance of succeeding (so-called “frivolous claims”). Despite eventually being rejected by the tribunals, such cases take up time and money for the responding state. There have been concerns that protracted and frequent litigation in ISDS could have an effect on the policy choices made by states. This is why it is important to ensure that there are mechanisms in place to weed out frivolous disputes as early as possible.

Another issue is the cost of ISDS proceedings. In many ISDS cases, even if the responding state is successful in defending its measures in front of the ISDS tribunal, it may have to pay substantial amounts to cover its own defence.

Approach in most existing investment agreements:

Under existing investment agreements, there are generally no rules dealing with frivolous claims. Some arbitration rules however do have provisions on frivolous claims. As a result, there is a risk that frivolous or clearly unfounded claims are allowed to proceed. Even though the investor would lose such claims, the long proceedings and the implied questions surrounding policy can be problematic.

The issue of who bears the cost is also not addressed in most existing investment agreements. Some international arbitration rules have provisions that address the issue of costs in very general terms. In practice, ISDS tribunals have often decided that the investor and responding state pay their own legal costs, regardless of who wins or loses.

The EUs objectives and approach

The EU will introduce several instruments in TTIP to quickly dismiss frivolous claims.

ISDS tribunals will be required to dismiss claims that are obviously without legal merit or legally unfounded. For example, this would be cases where the investor is not established in the US or the EU, or cases where the ISDS tribunal can quickly establish that there is in fact no discrimination between domestic and foreign investors. This provides an early and effective filtering mechanism for frivolous claims thereby avoiding a lengthy litigation process.

To further discourage unfounded claims, the EU is proposing that the losing party should bear all costs of the proceedings. So if investors take a chance at bringing certain claims and fail, they have to pay the full financial costs of this attempt.

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Explanation of the issue

Recently, concerns have been expressed in relation to several ISDS claims brought by investors under existing investment agreements, relating to measures taken by states affecting the financial sector, notably those taken in times of crisis in order to protect consumers or to maintain the stability and integrity of the financial system.

To address these concerns, some investment agreements have introduced mechanisms which grant the regulators of the Parties to the agreement the possibility to intervene (through a so-called “filter” to ISDS) in particular ISDS cases that involve measures ostensibly taken for prudential reasons. The mechanism enables the Parties to decide whether a measure is indeed taken for prudential reasons, and thus if the impact on the investor concerned is justified. On this basis, the Parties may therefore agree that a claim should not proceed.

Approach in most existing investment agreements

The majority of existing investment agreements privilege the original intention of such agreements, which was to avoid the politicisation of disputes, and therefore do not contain provisions or mechanisms which allow the Parties the possibility to intervene under particular circumstances in ISDS cases.

The EU’s objectives and approach

The EU like many other states considers it important to protect the right to regulate in the financial sector and, more broadly, the overriding need to maintain the overall stability and integrity of the financial system, while also recognizing the speed needed for government action in case of financial crisis.

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Explanation of the Issue

When countries negotiate an agreement, they have a common understanding of what they want the agreement to mean. However, there is a risk that any tribunal, including ISDS tribunals interprets the agreement in a different way, upsetting the balance that the countries in question had achieved in negotiations – for example, between investment protection and the right to regulate. This is the case if the agreement leaves room for interpretation. It is therefore necessary to have mechanisms which will allow the Parties (the EU and the US) to clarify their intentions on how the agreement should be interpreted.

Approach in existing investment agreements

Most existing investment agreements do not permit the countries who signed the agreement in question to take part in proceedings nor to give directions to the ISDS tribunal on issues of interpretation.

The EUs objectives and approach 

The EU will make it possible for the non-disputing Party (i.e. the EU or the US) to intervene in ISDS proceedings between an investor and the other Party. This means that in each case, the Parties can explain to the arbitrators and to the Appellate Body how they would want the relevant provisions to be interpreted.  Where both Parties agree on the interpretation, such interpretation is a very powerful statement, which ISDS tribunals would have to respect.

The EU would also provide for the Parties (i.e. the EU and the US) to adopt binding interpretations on issues of law, so as to correct or avoid interpretations by tribunals which might be considered to be against the common intentions of the EU and the US. Given the EU’s intention to give clarity and precision to the investment protection obligations of the agreement, the scope for undesirable interpretations by ISDS tribunals is very limited. However, this provision is an additional safety-valve for the Parties.

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Explanation of the issue

In existing investment agreements, the decision by an ISDS tribunal is final. There is no possibility for the responding state, for example, to appeal to a higher instance to challenge the level of compensation or other aspects of the ISDS decision except on very limited procedural grounds. There are concerns that this can lead to different or even contradictory interpretations of the provisions of international investment agreements. There have been calls by stakeholders for a mechanism to allow for appeal to increase legitimacy of the system and to ensure uniformity of interpretation.
  
Approach in most existing investment agreements

No existing international investment agreements provide for an appeal on legal issues. International arbitration rules allow for annulment of ISDS rulings under certain very restrictive conditions relating to procedural issues. 

The EUs objectives and approach 

The EU aims to establish an appellate mechanism in TTIP so as to allow for review of ISDS rulings. It will help ensure consistency in the interpretation of TTIP and provide both the government and the investor with the opportunity to appeal against awards and to correct errors. This legal review is an additional check on the work of the arbitrators who have examined the case in the first place.

In agreements under negotiation by the EU, the possibility of creating an appellate mechanism in the future is envisaged. However, in TTIP the EU intends to go further and create a bilateral appellate mechanism immediately through the agreement.

Link to reference text



* (compulsory)





* (compulsory)


Saturday, June 21, 2014

Doctorow's three law's

Cory Doctorow waxing lyrical about DRM, creators and publishers is always worth a listen.



First law: Any time someone puts a lock on something that belongs to you, and won't give you a key, they're not doing it for your benefit.

Second law: It's hard to monetize fame but it's impossible to monetize obscurity i.e. fame won't guarantee fortune, but no one has ever gotten rich by being obscure.

Third law: making it easy to censor and spy on everyone to protect copyright is a bad idea and bad practice i.e. information doesn't want to be free, people do.

Wednesday, June 18, 2014

Irish High Court refers Schrems Facebook privacy case to ECJ

The Irish High Court has this morning referred Max Schrems Facebook privacy case to the European Court of Justice. Judge Hogan (at p33) refers the following specific questions -
Whether in the course of determining a complaint which has been made to an independent office holder who has been vested by statute with the functions of administering and enforcing data protection legislation that personal data is being transferred to another third country (in this case, the United States of America) the laws and practices of which, it is claimed, do not contain adequate protections for the data subject, that office holder absolutely [sic] bound by the Community finding to the contrary contained in the Commission Decision of 26 July 2000 (2000/520/EC) having regard to Article 7 and Article 8 of the Charter of Fundamental Rights of the European Union (2000/C-364/01), the provisions of Article 25(6) of Directive 95/46/EC notwithstanding? Or, alternatively, may the office holder conduct his or her own investigation of the matter in the light of factual developments in the meantime since that Commission Decision was first published?
Judge Hogan's summary of overall conclusions runs from paragraphs 74 to 84.
"74... Mr Schrems' complaints are not "frivolous or vexatious"...
 75... Mr Schrems enjoys locus standi to bring this complaint and to bring these proceedings. It is irrelevant that Mr Schrems cannot show his own personal data was accessed in this fashion by the NSA, since what matters is the essential inviolability of the personal data itself. The essence of that right would be compromised if the data subject had reason to believe that it could be routinely accessed by security authorities on a mass and undifferentiated basis.
76... the evidence suggests that personal data of data subjects is routinely accessed on a mass and undifferentiated basis by the US security authorities.
77... as far as Irish law is concerned, s. 11(1)(a) of the 1988 Act forbids the transfer of personal data to a third country unless it is clear that that jurisdiction sufficiently respects and protects the privacy and fundamental freedoms of the data subjects. In this particular context of national law, the standards in question are contained in the Constitution.
78... the chief constitutional protections are those relating to personal privacy and the inviolability of the dwelling. The general protection for privacy, person and security which is embraced by the "inviolability"  of the dwelling in Article 40.5 of the Constitution would be entirely compromised by the mass and undifferentiated surveillance by State authorities of conversations and communications which take place within the home. For such interception of communications to be constitutionally valid, it would, accordingly, be necessary to demonstrate that this interception and surveillance of individuals or groups was objectively justified in the interests of suppression of crime and national security and, further, that any such interception was attended by appropriate and verifiable safeguards."
Just an aside on that last sentence in that paragraph - it could be interpreted as reading that surveillance would be justified "in the interests of suppression of ... national security". Let's just assume that's not what the good judge was attempting to convey.
"79... if the matter were to be measured solely by Irish law and Irish constitutional standards, then a serious issue would arise which the Commissioner would then have been required to investigate as to whether US law and practice in relation to data privacy, interception and surveillance matched those data standards."
(The "Commissioner" referred to is the Irish Data Protection Commissioner).

In paragraph 80 Judge Hogan explains, however, that Irish standards are effectively bypassed by the data protection directive and the European Commission's Safe Harbour agreement with the US; and the EC 2000/520/EC decision essentially declaring the US privacy-safe territory for EU personal data.
"81... it follows, therefore, that if [my emphasis] the Commissioner cannot look beyond the Commissions Safe Harbour decision of July 2000, then it is clear that the present application for judicial review must fail... because the Commission has already decided that the US provides an adequate level of data protection...
82... in holding that the complaint was unsustainable in law, the... Commissioner has ... demonstrated scrupulous steadfastness to the letter of the 1995 Directive and the 2000 Decision.
83... the applicant's objection is, in reality, to the terms of the Safe Harbour Regime itself rather than to the manner in which the Commissioner has applied the Safe Harbour Regime...
84... the critical issue which arises is whether the proper interpretation of the 1995 Directive and the 200 Commission decision should be re-evaluated in light of the subsequent entry into force of Article 8 of the Charter and whether, as a consequence, the Commissioner can look beyond or otherwise disregard this Community finding. It is for these reasons accordingly that I have decided to refer this question (and other linked questions) to the Court of Justice..."
My brief take -

The Irish High Court's decision amounts to a critique of mass and undifferentiated surveillance by state authorities, particularly the US. However, the much maligned Irish Data Protection Commissioner, Billy Hawkes, gets a pat on the back in rejecting Mr Schrems complaints, for "scrupulous steadfastness to the letter" of the data protection directive of 1995 and the EC Safe Harbour decision on the US in 2000. It appears, however, to constitute significant progress for Mr Schrems Europe v Facebook campaign and a small step in the right direction (nearly said "directive" there) for privacy in digital communications.

Note: Post above amended from earlier following access to full decision. 

Update: One other thought - Judge Hogan seems to think the Commissioner is boxed in by the data protection directive and the 2000 European Commission decision on Safe Harbour; but from my limited dealings with the Irish Data Protection Commissioner's office they seem to be more boxed in by a lack of resources and by their agreement with Facebook.

Thursday, June 05, 2014

Privacy cost of Cadbury's "Joy" promotion

Inside a chocolate bar wrapper:
"Joyful jubilations!
You've won a FREE
chocolate bar!"
Visit Cadbury.co.uk or Cadbury.ie and enter the code below..."
They've got to be kidding? Right? Nope.

Ok, I'll bite (sorry, couldn't resist).

Pull up the Cadbury site. Promotion front and centre. Click on the enter the code for FREE chocolate bar button. Click on the enter the code button again on the next page. Enter the code. Click through.

"Oh JOY! You've won a free
chocolate bar.
Enter your details to get your Cadbury coupon for one of the bars below."

Now they want a name and email address and here we have it - the links to the 2378 word terms and conditions and 3134 word privacy policy. I'll try the privacy policy first. Not sure I could stomach the terms and conditions. (That one I'm not apologising for).
"Mondelez Privacy Policy
All content on this website is owned and operated by Mondelez UK Ltd ("MDLZ" or "we")..."
Ok so I'm not even dealing with Cadbury any more? Oh yeah I forgot. Mondelez manages Cadburys for Kraft. Move along.
"Your access to and use of this Site and its contents (the “Site”) is subject to the terms and conditions of this Privacy Policy... By accessing and using this Site, you (the “User” or “you”) accept and agree to these terms and conditions without any limitation or qualification."
Absolutely. Accept urrg ur I agree... After all  my FREEE (sic - given the privacy policy has a number of typos I figured I was entitled to one and you can have that one for FREE) chocolate bar is in your hands.
"What type of data do we collect?
Personally-Identifiable Information On our Site, we may collect certain personally-identifiable information, such as name, gender, telephone number and e-mail address...
We may use cookies, web beacons/pixel tags, log files, and other technologies to collect certain information...
We may obtain information about you from other sources, including commercially available sources, such as data aggregators and public databases. This information may include name, demographic information, interests, and publicly-observed data, such as from social media and shopping behavior... "
All that data? "FREE" chocolate bar?

How do you process and use my information? For "promotional offers, materials, and other communications and information about MDLZ", to respond to me, to contact me...
" In addition we may use such personal information:
  • to respond to your questions and requests, to provide you with access to certain areas and features and to communicate with you about your activities on this Site;
  • to share it with our Related Parties as required to perform functions on our behalf in connection with the Site (such as delivery of merchandise, administration of the website or promotions or other features on it, marketing, data analysis or customer services). To do so, it may be necessary for us to transmit your personal information to outside the above Jurisdiction, and, where the site is based within the European Economic Area (EEA), to outside the EEA, and you agree to this transfer. Further use or disclosure of the information by them for other purposes is not permitted. To provide you with product information or promotional and other offers from us or our Related Parties;
  • if required by law, regulation or court order;
  • for the purpose of or in connection with legal proceedings or necessary for establishing, defending or exercising legal rights; or
  • in an emergency to protect the health or safety of website users or the general public or in the interests of national security."
So you are going to share my information with "Related Parties" including transmitting it outside the  European Economic Area (EEA) and I agree to this.

Dey don't know me vewy well do dey?

As if that extracting of the proverbial Michael Mouse wasn't enough, national security?!! I hereby put out a call to Bruce Schneier to include a special category in his 8th annual movie plot threat contest next year for plots centred on chocolate bars.
"How we share your information
    We do not sell or otherwise disclose personally identifiable information about our website visitors..."
Hang on, you've just said exactly the opposite.
"... except as described here."
So when you say you don't sell or disclose personally identifiable information, what you mean is you do. Gotcha.
"We may share personally identifiable information among MDLZ and MDLZ brands and subsidiaries... with service providers... [who may] disclose the information as necessary... In addition, we may disclose information where we think it’s necessary... in response to a request from... government officials
We may share with our promotional partners (and their service providers)... "
Ok so you're giving my information to all and sundry. What about security?
"The security of personally-identifiable information is important to us... To the fullest extent permitted by law, we disclaim all liability and responsibility for any Damages you may suffer due to any loss, unauthorized access, misuse or alteration of any information"
Ah yes. The old security is important but it's never, ever going to be our fault if we muck it up routine.

Well at least I know what I'm signing up to. It's all clear and fixed at the time I claim my FREE chocolate bar.
"We may change or update parts of this Data Privacy Statement at any time and without prior notice to you."
 Er. You and only you can change the deal at any time after it is concluded?

Right then I demand to know how long you are going to keep all the data you will gather on me, in exchange for this FREE chocolate bar you are offering.
"Your personal data will be kept by Mondelez Europe ... for as long as is reasonably necessary for the purposes for which they are processed"
That's clear, except you can change the deal whenever you feel like it. And despite it being a breach of a fundamental data protection principle, the purposes for which you are collecting this data appear already to be pretty fluid, even before you decide to change them at some unspecified point in the future.
"Children
    We take the protection of children’s privacy seriously. We operate this Site in compliance with all applicable law in the above Jurisdiction. Children under the age referred to below for the appropriate Jurisdiction for the Site should have a parent/guardian’s consent before providing any personal information to the website. We will not, as provided by applicable law, require or request children under this age to provide more personal information than is reasonably necessary to participate in the applicable activity on the Site. If we determine upon collection that a user is under this age, we will not use or maintain his/her personal information without the parent/guardian’s consent. Without such consent, though, the child may not be able to participate in certain activities. However, in certain circumstances, we may maintain and use such information (in accordance with the rest of this Policy and applicable law) in order to notify and obtain consent from the parent/guardian and for certain safety, security, liability and other purposes permitted under applicable law. A parent/ guardian can review, remove, change or refuse further collection or use of their child’s personal information by contacting us as provided above (include child’s name, address and e-mail address).
Site’s Jurisdiction/Applicable Age:
  • United States & Australia: Under 13 years of age.
  • Other Jurisdictions: Under 12 years of age."
In short you take children's privacy seriously. Parents or guardians should be involved if kids under 12 want to claim a FREE chocolate bar and they can chase you to alter or remove the child's details from your systems. But hey, if the the kid ticks the box to say s/he is 16 or over when claiming the FREE bar that's the parents/guardians' problem not yours.

Last question, what if a corporate raider comes a calling? Cadbury has been subject to hostile takeovers bids in the past after all.
"Transfer of assets
    During the course of our business, we may sell or purchase assets. If another entity acquires us or all or substantially all of our assets, personally and non-personally identifiable information we have collected about the users of the Site may be transferred to such entity. Also, if any bankruptcy or reorganization proceeding is brought by or against us, such information may be considered an asset of ours and may be sold or transferred to third parties."
Right so when the asset stripper moves in all bets are off and previous and loosely prevailing privacy "protections" are even more worthless than the prior electronic paper they were written on.

Fair enough. An hour down the road, even though I have not perused your terms and conditions yet, I now feel like I'm finally in a position to decide whether to indulge in joyful jubilations and claim my  FREE chocolate bar! My response Ms Rosenfeld, Chairman and CEO of Mondelez International is -
NO THANK YOU!
In fairness, Mondelez are just asking for a name and email address and engagement with their website, rather than anything more invasive in the first instance. They then email the coupon for the FREE chocolate (a certain Michael Mouse will be getting mine). But the overreaching "privacy" policy is all too typical and yet another indicator that the sugar industry is also now in the surveillance business.

Tuesday, June 03, 2014

John Oliver on FCC proposals to kill Net Neutrality

John Oliver, doing more in 13 minutes for the cause of net neutrality than years of campaigning by digital rights NGOs, academics and certain brands of big tech...



I particularly liked his point (at about 10m 20s) about corporate America understanding that "if you want to do something evil put it inside something boring. Apple could put the entire text of Mein Kampf inside the iTunes user agreement and you'd just go urrg ur I agree..."

His call to arms to internet trolls to explain, in the abusive way only they do, their disapproval, at fcc.gov/comments, however, may well land him in trouble, after the FCC site reportedly went under with the weight of the response elicited.

Saturday, May 31, 2014

Tuesday, May 20, 2014

Note to Chairman of JCSI on copyright exceptions

Given the recent decision of the Joint Committee on Statutory Instruments (JCSI) to spend more time considering the implementation of private copying and parody copyright exceptions statutory instruments, I've written to the Chairman of the Committee, George Mudie. Copy of my note below.
Dear Mr Mudie,
As Chairman of the Joint Committee on Statutory Instruments (JCSI), I’m writing to you in relation to your committee’s recent consideration of the proposed five copyright exceptions statutory instruments (SIs). I note the Committee has concluded its consideration of three of the five but has some questions about the private copying and parody exceptions.


In light of the decision of JCSI to hold up the implementation of copyright exceptions SIs for private copying and parody, could I ask that you draw the Committee's attention again to the Consumer Focus report, 'The economic impact of consumer copyright exceptions'. It was first published in 2010, republished last year and is available at:

http://www.consumerfocus.org.uk/publications/the-economic-impact-of-consumer-copyright-exceptions-a-literature-review

The report itself may be accessed directly at:

http://www.consumerfocus.org.uk/files/2010/11/The-economic-impact-of-consumer-copyright-exceptions-Rogers-Tomalin-Corrigan.pdf.

Full disclosure - I am an academic at the Open University and was involved in producing the report, along with colleagues from Oxford University, Mark Rogers and Josh Tomalin. Mark was terminally ill at the time and sadly died in July 2011.

An Oxford University economist of international renown, Mark was a passionate advocate for evidence based policy making in the intellectual property arena. Down to earth family man, friend, academic and practical economist, optimist, writer, basketball coach and player, runner, cyclist, all round handyman and an infinite well of sound personal and professional advice, Mark was one of those impossibly nice, exceptionally talented and generous individuals you’d like your children to emulate. The dignity and positive outlook with which he faced his illness were genuinely awe inspiring. The simple fact that someone of Mark’s ilk devoted considerable energy, over many years, to the importance of evidence based intellectual property policy making speaks for itself. What he had to say about copyright exceptions should be of particular interest to the JCSI.

In relation to JCSI’s recent deliberations, our Consumer Focus report focused solely on copyright exceptions as they relate to non-commercial, consumer activities. It dealt specifically with private copy format shifting and parody. We concluded -

Investigating potential economic damage to rights-holders requires an analysis of how consumer copyright exception could affect the demand for the original creative work. The processes via which consumer copyright exceptions influence the demand curve for original creative work can be complicated. This said, a standard analysis of the demand for creative works must assume that consumers incorporate the benefit of copyright exceptions into their demand. A consumer’s decision to purchase is based on the benefits of the product, including – in the case of creative work – the value of any copyright exception. In this sense, it can be argued that a creator automatically extracts value from copyright exceptions, since these directly influence the demand for the original creative work.

The economic evidence that format-shifting, parody and user-generated content cause any kind of economic damage to rights-holders simply does not exist. Arguments that support tighter copyright law, or support Private Copying Remuneration (PCR) systems, tend to confuse economic damage with consumer value. Any future analysis on this issue needs to investigate the conditions under which the proposed consumer copyright exceptions would have any impact on demand for creative work.

I hope that you and the JCSI find the report helpful. If you have any questions or I can provide any further input to the Committee’s deliberations on copyright exceptions do let me know.

Yours sincerely,

Ray Corrigan

Ray Corrigan, Senior Lecturer in Maths, Computing and Technology, Open University;

Sunday, May 18, 2014

The Clarkson crisis and mass surveillance

I will try and find some time to consider in detail and blog about the European Court of Justice decision imposing an obligation on Google to make an effort to respect what many are calling 'the right to be forgotten.'

Firstly though, on a parallel theme of our recorded digital pasts returning to haunt us, could I point you at an edited version of some thoughts I had on the recent crises Jeremy Clarkson found himself embroiled in, that the very good folks at The Conversation kindly published earlier this week. A more detailed edition of those thoughts resides below.

I see Jeremy Clarkson is in the soup again for saying the wrong thing. This time he's accused of using the reviled, offensive, racist N word, in a Top Gear out-take two years ago. The usual gang of anti-Clarksonites and more than a few others have lined up to demand the BBC fire him. Perhaps surprisingly members of the government and some in the media not otherwise known as Clarkson fans have offered him qualified support.

Elsewhere various sexists, racists, homophobes, hatemongers and other assorted flavours of humanity that dislike people not like them are attracting the attention of the news media and political opponents for being associated in some way with UKIP. The Prime Minister David Cameron has been condemned for saying recently Britain is a Christian country.

The thing is, respect for the principle of freedom of expression means letting people we disagree with speak. It means letting people who say offensive things speak. It means letting people who say nasty, unpleasant, unsavoury, distasteful, dreadful, objectionable, idiotic, mean, poisonous, hostile, malignant things speak.  It means letting people who mumble casual blokey racist comments, in ill-judged attempts at humour, speak.

Letting people speak doesn't mean we have to listen to them. It doesn't mean we have provide them with a platform to speak. It doesn't mean the media is obligated to draw attention to them. And it doesn't mean we have to laugh with them in a way that encourages casual blokey offensiveness.

I fully accept  Deborah Lipstadt's mantra that 'Reasoned dialogue has a limited ability to withstand an assault by the mythic power of falsehood' (p.25 Denying the Holocaust - a wonderful book btw). But when destructive speech does take hold we have to counteract it. We must be better at explaining, in widely accessible & persuasive ways, why hate speech is so harmful pernicious and noxious. And we must expose the falsehoods and malign intent and/or ignorance underlying it intelligently, accessibly, in a publicly appealing ways and preferably backed up with solid evidence.

The UK Human Rights Act makes the European  Convention on Human Rights part of UK law. Article 10 of the Convention says everyone has the right to freedom of expression. We have the legal right to freedom of expression in the UK. As a member of the EU, we also have the fundamental right to freedom of expression guaranteed by Article 11 of the Charter of Fundamental Rights of the EU.

To make life complicated, in the UK there are also criminal offences relating to offending or insulting someone, under a variety of statutes including s127 of the Communications Act 2003 and s4A and s5 of the Public Order Act 1986.

A number of social network users have found this out the hard way, most notably Paul Chambers of Twitter joke trial fame. Mr Chambers was convicted of sending, by a public electronic communication network, a message of a "menacing character" contrary to sections 127(1)(a) and (3) of the Communications Act 2003. He had joked on Twitter about blowing up Robin Hood airport after his flight to see his girlfriend got cancelled due to snow. He lost his job and another thereafter, subsequently found it difficult to get work and it took two and half years of legal wrangling and appeals before the High Court finally cleared his name.

The media, the public and public figures, we all love a good witch-hunt, as long as we are not the object of the hunt. Soundbite politics, the 24/7 news cycle and our world of short attention spans see words and phrases taken out of context and wielded as weapons to demonise and misrepresent opponents, shout insults past each other, blame and preferably punish someone. Public debate can't get past megaphone soundbites of the 'we're the goodies they're the baddies' variety.  This is an arena that is positively hostile to deep and informed engagement with any subject matter but a fertile place for mob rule.

Could any of us withstand the kind of scrutiny Mr Clarkson's misspoken offence, recognised at the time but resurrected two years later, or Mr Chamber's Twitter joke was subjected to? Well to be blunt we are going to have to.

Why?

Well for the best part of the past 25 years commercial entities have been recording, storing, processing and analysing everything we see and do on the world wide web, for how long, from where, with whom and with what equipment. Additionally telecommunications service providers, both fixed line and mobile, have been obliged for some time, under the 2006 EU data retention directive, to store details of and provide government access to everything everyone does on the telephone or internet; for a period of between 6 months and two years.

Invisible digital watchers follow and record everything we do on digital communications networks without our conscious knowledge or consent.

Article 5 of the 2006 directive specified the data that has been gathered by communications service providers throughout the EU. It covers names, addresses, who spoke to whom, where, when, for how long, on what device, how often, websites visited etc. etc. This all paints a very detailed picture and most people don’t know it has been going on. The who, where, why, how, what and when of individual lives is all there in this 'metadata.'

We've also discovered in the past year via the revelations of former NSA contractor, Edward Snowden, that governments, in particular the UK and US variety, have been going much further, watching and recording our networked lives in even more detail than previously realised. If we thought about it at all which most of us don't. Through clandestine programs like GCHQ's 'Tempora' and the NSA's 'PRISM' all telephone and internet traffic is being collected, processed and stored nominally for current or potential future use in the fight against terrorism or serious crime.

Anyone's complete online life history can be examined in forensic detail even though commerce and governments could not possibly examine everyone's life in detail. The UK intelligence services collect about 40 billion pieces of data per day, for example, and simply do not have the capacity to apply human intelligence to all of it.

Just one of the problems with these mass commercial and governmental silos of personal digital life histories is that small items taken out of context can constitute unexploded digital ordinance. Equivalent to the two year old misdemeanour of Jeremy Clarkson. Most of us don't have the public profile of Mr Clarkson or the interest of the public to anything like the same degree. But as Cardinal Richelieu is rumoured to have said about 500 years ago, "Give me six lines written by the most honest man and I'll show you the evidence to hang him."

Innocent ordinary people, not just celebrities of Mr Clarkson's ilk, have found themselves at the sharp end of media witch hunts.  And which of us knows what nefarious activities people connected to people connected to people connected to us via the internet might have engaged in at some time in that past or potentially in the future? I ask that particular question because the then deputy director of the NSA, Chris Inglis, testified before Congress, in July 2013, that you don't need to be a suspected bad guy to gain the attention of the intelligence services. The NSA track people "three hops" from their targets. If I had communicated with 200 people during my online lifetime I'd be three hops away from over 5 million people. Through my job at the Open University alone I've interacted directly with thousands of people over the past nineteen years. Three hops from thousands connects me to more than the entire population of the world.

I think it is fair to call this mass surreptitious collection of personal data mass surveillance.

Interestingly enough, in a historic decision, On 8 April 2014 the Grand Chamber of the Court of Justice of the European Union hinted at the same conclusion when they decided to invalidate the 2006 data retention directive discussed above. With what may be interpreted as half and eye on the Edward Snowden revelations, the Court, effectively condemned pre-emptive, suspicionless, warrantless mass surveillance and consequent "interference with the fundamental rights of practically the entire European population".

The case was the first major court decision on mass surveillance since the Snowden stories started to break in June 2013. Though high courts in Romania (2009), Germany (2010), Bulgaria (2010),  the Czech Republic (2011) and Cyprus (2011) had previously all declared the data retention directive unconstitutional and/or a disproportionate unjustified interference with the fundamental right to privacy, free speech and confidentiality of communications.

On 23 April 2014, the Slovak Constitutional Court, taking its lead from the Court of Justice, suspended of the Slovak implementation of the directive. The UK government, by contrast, has declared the UK data retention regulations remain in force despite the directive that requires them no longer being so. The Home Secretary, Theresa May, has stated elsewhere that the implications of the ECJ ruling were being assessed.  For the first time, on 9 May 2014, a UK parliamentary committee expressed concern at the oversight of the security and intelligence agencies in this context and asked for a prompt and clear resolution of the legal position on data retention.

The previous UK Labour government were one of the key driving forces behind the original implementation of the data retention directive. The current UK government is one of the biggest cheerleaders for and operators of mass surveillance standards and practices. Though the UK government was not involved directly in the case, (and are scrambling madly to find a way to circumvent the decision as, sadly, are the European Commission), both the current and the previous administrations' behaviour, in the data retention context, is considered so heinous in law that it should never have happened; and the laws facilitating that behaviour should never have existed.

Some commentators have also suggested the Court was firing a message not just to the UK but across the pond (2 min 40sec audio) to the effect that US mass surveillance standards are totally unacceptable in an EU context.

Now come full circle to the Clarkson furore. In their data retention decision, in passing (also known as 'obiter dicta'), the Court of Justice of the EU noted in paragraphs 27 and 28 of their decision the chilling effect of the knowledge that anything we say or do is being recorded and may be used against us -
"Those data, taken as a whole, may allow very precise conclusions to be drawn concerning the private lives of the persons whose data has been retained, such as the habits of everyday life, permanent or temporary places of residence, daily or other movements, the activities carried out, the social relationships of those persons and the social environments frequented by them.
In such circumstances... it is not inconceivable that the retention of the data in question might have an effect on the use, by subscribers or registered users, of the means of communication covered by that directive and, consequently, on their exercise of the freedom of expression"
I don't find casual laddish racist remarks at all funny. I find them offensive. Just as I find casual blokey demonisation/marginalisation/ but more particularly intentional-vicious-insult-dismissal and incitement of hatred, directed at [minority group of choice], offensive. It causes division, discrimination and tension and undermines equality, human rights, decency and collective care.

But Mr Clarkson misspoke, by accident, 2 years ago, when doing a recording for a popular TV programme. The trademark of said programme is three middle aged men, acting like big kids, mucking about with cars, playing pranks and laddishly insulting each other and other people and things for laughs.

Mr Clarkson has apologised for using a word he personally loathes. The motives of those who leaked the recording are not known.

I have no idea whether Mr Clarkson is racist though I suspect not. Intended or not, ill-used words do cause damage but it is the presence or absence of hateful intent behind such remarks rather than the words used that define the mindset of the speaker.  We can't read minds so interpret that intent, by proxy, from people's words.

Nevertheless, I would ask that s/he who wish to throw metaphorical stones at Mr Clarkson, to think also of their own many stored and detailed digital dossiers and how fragments thereof might well, one day, be held against you. Especially if, like a certain Open University academic, you might have a 3 hop connection to the population of the world.

Tuesday, May 13, 2014

General Hayden: "We kill people based on metadata"

The full video of the John Hopkins debate between David Cole and Michael Hayden is available on YouTube



For those interested in General Hayden's "We kill people based on metadata" quote -

Monday, May 12, 2014

Security Analysis of the Estonian E-Voting System

An international team of security experts, including Alex Halderman and Harri Hursti, have identified serious problems with Estonia's e-voting system and recommended its immediate withdrawal.
They've produced a neat short video explaining the issues -



And a couple of longer ones outlining the possible server malware attacks -



The team will be providing partial code for their proof-of-concept attacks after the conclusion of the May 2014 European Parliamentary elections.