Wednesday, June 17, 2026

Court of Appeal Palestine Action proscription judgment - the Home Secretary's national security blanket

The Court of Appeal has decided the Home Secretary was right to designate Palestine Action a terrorist organisation

Press Summary - Huda Ammori v Secretary of State for the Home Department
Appeal No: CA-2026-000583
Neutral Citation Number: [2026] EWCA Civ 721 

 Apparently, amongst other things, "The Divisional Court... adopted an excessively analytical approach to the interpretation of the Proscription Policy." (Para 88 of the judgment). An appeal court admonishing a lower court for being excessively analytical requires a closer look... 

On a first scan, the judgment appeared to be saying a Home Secretary has a licence to do whatever they like, as long as they cite national security as the justification. A close read of the whole thing confirms that impression.

The Court seems to have started with the outcome they wanted and worked backwards from there, focussing on deference to the Home Secretary on matters of national security. Basically they declare the Divisional Court at first instance was wrong because they didn't show sufficient deference to or respect for the Home Secretary; and if it wasn't for that pesky Human Rights Act, they would not have had to go to the trouble of dealing with this nonsense of questioning the government.  We don't know what classified evidence they considered in the closed hearing but if the selective quotation of the evidence we do know about is a guide it won't have made a great deal of difference. 

Section D of the opinion, paras 21-32, is quite a nice summary of how wide ranging and wide reaching the Terrorism Act 2000 is. It really does vastly over specify what might count as terrorism to a degree most people are not aware of. As the UN Special Rapporteur on counter-terrorism and human rights pointed out to the Court and multiple human rights experts have made clear over the years, the Act's definition of terrorism is excessively broad and wrongly conflates ordinary criminal acts with terrorism, in breach of UN standards.

Moving rapidly on to paragraph 48, Lady Carr of Walton-on-the-Hill, CJ (delivering the judgment of the court) says:

 

 The Joint Terrorism Analysis Centre JTAC report did state that Palestine Action (PA) could be considered terrorists under the wide definition of terrorism in the 2000 Act but also emphasised that PA stressed its non-violent action against people. 

Onwards to paragraph 81, the Appeal Court judges consider that when policies include awkward details that might interfere with what a Home Secretary wants to do they should not be "read in a complicated or excessively analytical way". Policies "are not rules, but guides" and they are not there to constrain the Home Secretary.

 

Paragraph 87 & 88 - Even if the Divisional Court was right that the policy constrained the Home Secretary, she could still consider operational benefits. So is it ok for a Home Secretary to proscribe an organisation if the operational benefits amount to government, political, policing or other public service convenience?

 

 Paragraph 104 - The Court would not be reviewing the Home Secretary's decision at all if not for the Human Rights Act. But since they have to, they "must... respect... the balance of rights... struck by the Home Secretary".

 

Section M of the judgment, para 104 to 117 on the margin of appreciation rejects Liberty, Amnesty International and UN special rapporteur on human rights submission to the Court, emphasising government and Home Secretary perspectives on national security should be deferred to.

  

 

 Section N, para 118 to 182, on the Court's evaluation of the proportionality of proscription again is about deferring to the Home Secretary on national security. When the Home Secretary designates an organisation terrorists, proscription is proportionate. 

 

 

In paragraph 152, agreeing with the Divisional Court, the appeal judges quickly dismiss the plight of the thousands of pensioners arrested for terrorism offences while protesting the genocide and the proscription of Palestine Action. People opposing genocide and supporting Palestine Action "ought to have realised" they were wrong. 

The judgment then basically says, at paragraph 153, that "many people may be subject to [a] chilling effect" but that chilling effect is not real if there is no legal jeopardy. I'll be blunt here. That is simply illogical.

 

 At paragraph 164 Palestine Action are judged to have "little or nothing in common with the suffragettes or the anti-apartheid or Iran War protest groups" and the Home Secretary & her advisers are best placed to assess them as "a threat to third party individuals and property".

Para 171 to 174 says proscribing Palestine Action degrades the organisation and its finances - a "key benefit" - and the Home Secretary was best placed to make that decision given matters of national security.

At para 175 the Court say they looked at all materials available to the Home Secretary, open and classified and "are satisfies that the Proscription Decision was a justified and proportionate interference with ECHR rights."

There is one small dent in the Court's absolute deference to the Home Secretary at paragraph 180 where they admit that the Home Secretary's proscription decision "may have been borderline."

But 

 But that doesn't matter because she had the latitude to make the decision and she was right...

 

They then conclude the Home Secretary should be deferred to on matters of national security or matters she decides to be national security related. The Divisional Court erred on interpreting the proscription policy and on assessing proportionality. Palestine Action are correctly designated terrorists. 

 


 

In light of this Court of Appeal decision it is worth reading the JTAC proscription assessment report on the group. JTAC specifically state their assessment that Palestine Action is a terrorist group is entirely based on the broad definition of terrorism in the 2000 Act which considers criminal damage to property to be terrorism.

 

 

 

 

The overriding impression, as I noted above, is of a court that started out with the outcome it decided it wanted and worked back from there to mould their reasoning to that outcome; the core theme being absolute deference to the government and the Home Secretary, in particular, when it comes to matters of national security. It is a license for government to cite national security as an excuse for any action. I've taken to considering it the Home Secretary's national security blanket.

For what it is worth,

I oppose genocide.

I do not support Palestine Action.

Unlike the Appeal Court judges, I remain unconvinced that proscription in this case is proportionate. 

 

Monday, May 18, 2026

ICO publishes advice to government on diluting online advertising rules

 In September last year I submitted a response to the ICO consultation on their approach to regulation of online advertising.

Today I got an email from the ICO's interim Group Manager - Online Tracking:

Thank you for your response to the ICO’s call for views on our approach to regulating online advertising last year.

I am writing to let you know that today we have published the outcomes of our review of regulation 6 PECR requirements for online advertising purposes.

Please see a blog from Executive Director for Regulatory Risk and Innovation, William Malcolm, with an overview of the work:  Our advice to government on potential changes to online advertising rules | ICO

We have also published:

Separately, you may be interested in the progress update on our Online Tracking Strategy, published in April: Online tracking strategy update – April 2026 | ICO

Many thanks again for your input to this work.  

 Let me quote from just one of the documents linked, the ICO report for DSIT: Advice on a viable approach to creating online advertising exception(s) to regulation 6 PECR, Section 6, page 29:

"Our proposed approach would offer a new way to deliver online advertising without consent. It wouldn’t revolutionise the ecosystem, but it would provide a way to provide publishers with new revenue opportunities for users who they currently can’t legally deliver any online advertising to, because they don’t grant consent."

The UK data protection authority is proposing to government "a new way to deliver online advertising without consent."  

As the Open Rights Group said recently

Your data is precious. It reveals who you are, what you like, where you live and much more. Lots of people and organisations want to get their hands on it – including governments who want to track us, companies that want to profit from us and criminals who want to steal from us.

This is why we need strong data protection laws and a strong regulator who will make sure they are followed.

In the UK, this regulator is the Information Commissioner's Office's (ICO) and they are failing to to protect our data privacy.

Sign the petition for a reset of the ICO.

Tuesday, May 12, 2026

NO2ID response to the digital ID consultation

The NO2ID response to the government digital ID consultation should be compulsory reading for all MPs. And government ministers should be locked in a room, made to study it in depth, absorb and pass a comprehension test on it, before they are allowed to pontificate on the subject of ID cards or digital identity ever again.

Right up front it:

"recommends that the Government drops its current ambitions – certainly its intention to
create a new universal unique identifier and mandatory / coerced digital ID system with lifelong tracking – and instead focuses on making the primary credentials government already holds more secure, re-usable and useful for citizens, rather than itself."

Something they suggested to James Crosby back in 2008 which he summarised as:

"The expression “ID management” suggests data sharing and database consolidation, concepts which principally serve the interests of the owner of the database, for example the Government or the banks. Whereas we think of “ID assurance” as a consumer-led concept, a process that meets an important consumer need without necessarily providing any spin-off benefits to the owner of any database. This distinction is fundamental. An ID system built primarily to deliver high levels of assurance for consumers and to command their trust has little in common with one inspired mainly by the ambitions of its owner. " 

The response also reminds us that the government asks the wrong questions, assumes the answers are useful and that core issues missing from the consultation would take too many pages to list.

The introduction of a national ID is a fundamental shift in the relationship between citizen and state. That is long understood but the current Labour government are obfuscating and the Blair government, in particular, went to extreme lengths to propagandise this shift out of existence, extolling the wonders of a fantasy of efficient, joined up government, delivering frictionless, easy access government services. The mask slips regularly, as when the current Home Secrertary, ironically in an interview with Blair, declared she dreams “that the eyes of the state can be on you at all times”. Sylvanus Vivian's concept of parasitic vitality is alive and well and sometimes they are not even hiding the desire for that parasitic vitality is about government not citizens' and residents' needs.

The ID scheme proposed is, as NO2ID state, 

"coercive, insecure, exclusionary, privacy and rights-destroying, and the foundation of a “papers please”, lifelong surveillance society... the scheme’s structural features – a universal unique identifier, mandatory digital employment checks, facial biometrics, state-wide access and usage, revocation powers, cradle-to-grave ‘eligibility’ – are precisely the architecture that NO2ID was founded to oppose, which the British public has rejected (repeatedly) since WII." 

"In a free society, it is not for a person to have to “prove who they are” [my emphasis] – though it is often necessary in modern life to prove certain facts about oneself. That the entire digital ID system is predicated upon the former shows it is a backwards system of ‘official truth’ and centralised ID control, rather than a forward-looking system of Identity Assurance based on non-surveillant, portable, reusable,granular, verified and verifiable credentials." 

Like the Blair government (and the Bliar Institute is feeding the government most of their lines on the scheme) the current government are hoping their ID scheme will be a universal panacea for "more modern, efficient and personalised public services". They are so desparate to sell the scheme they repeatedly ask, in their consultation, for suggestions on what it can be used for. As NO2ID say repeatedly, 

"We do not want the government to use this system for anything, because it is fundamentally misconceived...

Government should instead radically reform the civil service and ensure it dedicates the resources intended to be spent (wasted) on digital ID to fixing the many flaws, errors, deliberate systemic
choices and bad policy decisions that have caused and contributed to devastating “personalised” disasters such as the Windrush scandal, the infamous Horizon case, and the ‘Monster Factory’ of the systems of Universal Credit, as well as more recent scandals around Carer’s Allowance and Child Benefit.

If the Government genuinely wishes to improve the public services, it should do the hard and
necessary work – not keep trying to present “digital ID” as a panacea for a whole host of issues
that it isn’t." 

The scheme is so full of basic security holes it is difficult to know where to start. One Login, "the umbrella [ID} service", the system company directors have to register through, lost its certification against the government's own digital identity trust network over a year ago. Yet it is still mandatory. The government cannot meet its own standards on digital ID on a scheme that only applies to a fraction of the population.

There will be no analogue alternatives and it seems it will only be available as a mobile app, not even usable with a PC or laptop. 

The ethcial and legal issues with the scheme are legion.

"Deleting their digital ID is everyone’s legal right under UK GDPR’s right to erasure, but if digital ID or any part of the architecture (e.g. One Login) becomes the primary way people access services and entitlements, or are the only way to perform specific legal duties – as in the case of company directors making certain filings to Companies House – then deletion will have far more signifiant consequences.

Any system described as “voluntary”... must ensure that leaving the system is both meaningful...and does not lead to negative discrimination...or...official coercion.

There are serious issues around transparency: will people know what persists on the system and how it will be used if they delete their ID? 

...There are also serious risks around coercion in terms of vulnerable individuals and domestic
abuse: an abuser could force someone to delete their digital ID, thereby cutting them off from
essential benefits or services. That the consultation document makes at best only passing
reference to this, and does not describe any of the necessary protections and mitigations should such a system be imposed, is deeply concerning."

It is pretty clear that the scheme, in its current half-baked form, will not respect the Identity Assurance Principle of Multiplicity, one of nine principles specified by the Privacy and Consumer Advisory Group (PCAG) in 2013. It looks likely, in fact, to fail spectacularly on all nine:

1 User Control
2 Transparency
3 Multiplicity
4 Data Minimisation
5 Data Quality 
6 Service User Access and Portability
7 Certification
8 Dispute Resolution
9 Exceptional Circumstances

I'm unsure whether to be relieved or concerned that the consultation asks the question "Are there any ethical factors government should consider that relate to revoking (i.e. cancelling) an individual’s digital ID?" As NO2ID say,

"Revocation is all about state power. 

While presented largely as an ‘anti-fraud’ measure, revocation raises extremely serious issues around due process, human rights and proportionality...

revocation would effectively ‘lock a person out’ of (aspects of) their daily life – potentially creating a new form of ‘virtual prison’, more chilling even than the highly surveillant, panopticon-like aspects of the proposed scheme...

the proposed ID system could over time be deployed as a form of enforcement – and even to exert political pressure... the government clearly considers itself to be benign – an assumption many do not share, and which world events are starkly illustrating cannot always be depended upon.

Even assuming no malign actor (elected or otherwise) ever gains control of the system, the UK’s government has provided many examples of administrative error, incorrect and/or out-of-date data, poorly designed algorithms and wrong data matching stripping large numbers of peope of their rights and entitlements. The Windrush scandal is probably the most high-profile instance of this... and yet government continues to conflate fraud with its own errors, and senior officials continue to blame victims without facing meaningful consequences.

Revocation must only ever be part of a judicial process; never automated, and with human review at every step; it must have a rapid accessible independent appeals process; there must be full transparency to the individual and a non-digital ‘safety net’ while revocation and disputes are being resolved; any Bill must expressly forbid ‘class revocations’ and on its face22 tightly define and limit the circumstances in which a person’s digital ID can be revoked; and – if individuals are subject to fines and/or criminal sanctions for fraud or abuse – so must officials and anyone involved in any revocation event,23 arguably to a greater degree given the power imbalances."

The consultation specifies the "The national digital ID will include a person’s full name, date of birth, nationality, and a biometric facial image (photo)." NO2ID name the elephant in the room:

"We note the consultation does not ask about the inclusion of these details. Rather it presents them as a fixed decision, while omitting to mention that the digital ID will of necessity contain a unique number – which the government somewhat disingenuously suggests it is “considering developing”. 

To say “If we develop a universal unique identifier” (UUID) – which is in practice the only way centralised ID systems such as this are used to ‘join up’ public services – in a consultation that is all about “making public services work” is at best evasive, if not outright deceptive. Does the Government intend to do what it says or not? And why does it never mention the ID number in the list of information included? 

The universal unique identifier (mentioned just three times in the consultation) is the classic ‘single number for every citizen’ that NO2ID has long warned about. While the document downplays it – saying, e.g. “this identifier would not need to be visible or used outside the public sector” – the UUID is the foundational architecture of a cradle-to-grave tracking system."

The scheme has lots of vague ambitions about mission and scope creep which NO2ID call out explicitly. There were around 50 categories of information included in the Bliar government 2006 National Identity Register. 

The joined up government philosophy raises significant concerns around privacy and fundamental rights. NO2ID are explicit:

"this approach to ‘joining up’ the state is highly surveillant and potentially dangerous. 

Cross-matching across services and Departments like this will tend to create a comprehensive
profile on each citizen...

Much like the notion of ‘official truth’ and the assumption that government databases are 100% correct all of the time, ‘joined up’ government is a fantasy; in reality, and all too often, it is a single point of failure. For this reason, the only ethical approach is for any and all cross-matching to only ever be done with the explicit informed consent of the individual – with full transparency, and always with the option of keeping identities separate. 

Given the context, however, consent in such situations can be highly problematic... 

Cross-matching also engages privacy and confidentiality concerns...

 worse than this are the ‘chilling effects’...someone...may avoid seeking vital help or
support, fearing ‘knock on’ consequences in other areas...

Tearing down silos in the name of efficiency ignores that silos often exist for good reason; when consequences and power imbalances are real, segregation and separation can provide essential protections...

where are the mitigations to protect due process and democracy?

...David Blunkett notoriously said “No one should fear correct identification”. A quarter
century may have passed, but history tells us otherwise. 

Centralised, quasi-monopolistic state-controlled ID is dangerous and other options exist...

 It is well understood that digital-first and digital-only systems are inherently exclusionary...

 Given the system is designed to provide government with a detailed audit trail of every individual’s life, not to provide individuals themselves with a detailed record of each event is unconscionable... 

the basic design assumption is that fraud or misuse will be almost entirely from the user end – with little to no appreciation of the power the government would be handing to ID checkers, and how to constrain and mitigate the risk of misuse and abuse from that end." 

NO2ID:

"recommend Government listens to people other than the Home Office and the Blair
government-in-exile, understands that the architecture of a “rewired state” fit for the future cannot be grounded in 1930s thinking, and comes up with an Identity Assurance alternative – rather than yet another Identity Management (Control) system – that sits within the original PCAG Principles ...

Digital ID is not a benign administrative initiative. It is a fundamental shift in the relationship between citizen and state, embedded within an architecture of compulsion and coercion, in contexts that will impact on tens of millions of people’s lives in ways far more profound than  fixing the public services’ – which, as the details of a never-ending stream of examples show, digital ID will not do." 

 

  NO2ID Illustration of UK Government Digital ID Architecture of Compulsion & Coercion

The reponse is worth reading in full.