Showing posts with label free speech. Show all posts
Showing posts with label free speech. Show all posts

Wednesday, June 17, 2026

Court of Appeal Palestine Action proscription judgment - the Home Secretary's national security blanket

The Court of Appeal has decided the Home Secretary was right to designate Palestine Action a terrorist organisation

Press Summary - Huda Ammori v Secretary of State for the Home Department
Appeal No: CA-2026-000583
Neutral Citation Number: [2026] EWCA Civ 721 

 Apparently, amongst other things, "The Divisional Court... adopted an excessively analytical approach to the interpretation of the Proscription Policy." (Para 88 of the judgment). An appeal court admonishing a lower court for being excessively analytical requires a closer look... 

On a first scan, the judgment appeared to be saying a Home Secretary has a licence to do whatever they like, as long as they cite national security as the justification. A close read of the whole thing confirms that impression.

The Court seems to have started with the outcome they wanted and worked backwards from there, focussing on deference to the Home Secretary on matters of national security. Basically they declare the Divisional Court at first instance was wrong because they didn't show sufficient deference to or respect for the Home Secretary; and if it wasn't for that pesky Human Rights Act, they would not have had to go to the trouble of dealing with this nonsense of questioning the government.  We don't know what classified evidence they considered in the closed hearing but if the selective quotation of the evidence we do know about is a guide it won't have made a great deal of difference. 

Section D of the opinion, paras 21-32, is quite a nice summary of how wide ranging and wide reaching the Terrorism Act 2000 is. It really does vastly over specify what might count as terrorism to a degree most people are not aware of. As the UN Special Rapporteur on counter-terrorism and human rights pointed out to the Court and multiple human rights experts have made clear over the years, the Act's definition of terrorism is excessively broad and wrongly conflates ordinary criminal acts with terrorism, in breach of UN standards.

Moving rapidly on to paragraph 48, Lady Carr of Walton-on-the-Hill, CJ (delivering the judgment of the court) says:

 

 The Joint Terrorism Analysis Centre JTAC report did state that Palestine Action (PA) could be considered terrorists under the wide definition of terrorism in the 2000 Act but also emphasised that PA stressed its non-violent action against people. 

Onwards to paragraph 81, the Appeal Court judges consider that when policies include awkward details that might interfere with what a Home Secretary wants to do they should not be "read in a complicated or excessively analytical way". Policies "are not rules, but guides" and they are not there to constrain the Home Secretary.

 

Paragraph 87 & 88 - Even if the Divisional Court was right that the policy constrained the Home Secretary, she could still consider operational benefits. So is it ok for a Home Secretary to proscribe an organisation if the operational benefits amount to government, political, policing or other public service convenience?

 

 Paragraph 104 - The Court would not be reviewing the Home Secretary's decision at all if not for the Human Rights Act. But since they have to, they "must... respect... the balance of rights... struck by the Home Secretary".

 

Section M of the judgment, para 104 to 117 on the margin of appreciation rejects Liberty, Amnesty International and UN special rapporteur on human rights submissions to the Court, emphasising government and Home Secretary perspectives on national security should be deferred to.

  

  Section N, para 118 to 182, on the Court's evaluation of the proportionality of proscription again is about deferring to the Home Secretary on national security. When the Home Secretary designates an organisation terrorists, proscription is proportionate. 

 

 

In paragraph 152, agreeing with the Divisional Court, the appeal judges quickly dismiss the plight of the thousands of pensioners arrested for terrorism offences while protesting the genocide and the proscription of Palestine Action. People opposing genocide and supporting Palestine Action "ought to have realised" they were wrong. 

The judgment then basically says, at paragraph 153, that "many people may be subject to [a] chilling effect" but that chilling effect is not real if there is no legal jeopardy. I'll be blunt here. That is simply illogical.

 

 At paragraph 164 Palestine Action are judged to have "little or nothing in common with the suffragettes or the anti-apartheid or Iran War protest groups" and the Home Secretary & her advisers are best placed to assess them as "a threat to third party individuals and property". Let's just be generous and suggest the Court's sojourns into history, particularly when using the suffragettes as an exemplar are ill-advised. Left wing journalist, Owen Jones, is a little more severe: "The lady chief justice has desecrated our history - and erased the truth about activists who fought for the rights of women like herself." 

Para 171 to 174 says proscribing Palestine Action degrades the organisation and its finances - a "key benefit" - and the Home Secretary was best placed to make that decision given matters of national security.

At para 175 the Court say they looked at all materials available to the Home Secretary, open and classified and "are satisfied that the Proscription Decision was a justified and proportionate interference with ECHR rights."

There is one small dent in the Court's absolute deference to the Home Secretary at paragraph 180 where they admit that the Home Secretary's proscription decision "may have been borderline."

But 

 But that doesn't matter because she had the latitude to make the decision and she was right...

 

They then conclude the Home Secretary should be deferred to on matters of national security or matters she decides to be national security related. The Divisional Court erred on interpreting the proscription policy and on assessing proportionality. Palestine Action are correctly designated terrorists. 

 


 

In light of this Court of Appeal decision it is worth reading the Joint Terrorism Analysis Centre (JTAC) proscription assessment report on the group. JTAC specifically state their assessment that Palestine Action is a terrorist group is entirely based on the broad definition of terrorism in the 2000 Act which considers criminal damage to property to be terrorism. They also report that the majority of the direct action undertaken by Palestine Action would not be classified as terrorism, even under the broad definition used in Section 1 of the Terrorism Act 2000

 

 

 

 

The overriding impression, as I noted above, is of a court that started out with the outcome it decided it wanted and worked back from there to mould their reasoning to that outcome; the core theme being absolute deference to the government and the Home Secretary, in particular, when it comes to matters of national security. It is a license for government to cite national security as an excuse for any action. I've taken to considering it the Home Secretary's national security blanket.

For what it is worth,

I oppose genocide.

I oppose the state of Israel's ongoing genocide against the Palestinian people. 

I do not support Palestine Action.

Unlike the Appeal Court judges, I remain unconvinced that proscription, in this case, is proportionate. 

 

Tuesday, March 19, 2019

Response from MEP on copyright directive

I've had a response from Labour MEP, John Howarth to my email yesterday asking him to oppose the article 13 provisions in the proposed EU copyright directive.
"Dear Ray Corrigan
Thank you for your email regarding Copyright legislation.
Just to let you know before I was an MEP I ran a business in the creative sector developing copy, images, brands and content. When I am not doing my day job I play music - though I don’t get a lot of time to perform right now. I started my business career in the software development sector and have worked with aspects of the internet since the days of green screens. Not exactly typical for a politician, I agree, but you will forgive me if my experience informs my thinking.
For far too long people who work in the creative sector have been ripped off by the monopolistic internet platforms who place their work on line and use their content to make their services credible and to attract advertising revenue yet fail properly to reward the creators. Musicians and performers generally consider themselves lucky to do what they do but they also deserve fair reward for their work. The audience see a performance or hear a three minute song - but those things are built over years of learning a craft and endless hours practicing and rehearsing. Images can be created in a couple of hours but ideas and concepts take time and collaborative effort to develop. The internet has created new jobs and made some people very rich indeed but it has also destroyed value and exploited the skills and creativity of many others.
So as well as people who write to me demanding that we “save the internet” I also receive representations from the National Union of Journalists, the Musicians’ Union, publishers’ group’s, media organisations and creative industries representatives putting their side of the story.
Among all of this claims have been made about the proposed legislation that are wildly exaggerated or simply untrue. The implementation of updated copyright legislation will NOT end the internet as we know it. It will NOT constrain or unduly limit ‘free speech’, it will NOT place an unreasonable burden on the internet giants who have put significant time and effort into misleading people because they believe it threatens their super profits. It will not “outlaw memes”, it protects and defines the notion of satire and parody (which, by the way, were not in any way protected in the outdated copyright regimes that have applied till now). Exceptions set out in the legislation protect free academic enquiry, small businesses and bloggers.
I do not believe that the legislation in any way limits the ability of the open source software community to continue to trade on the business model it has operated for some time - in other words the ‘sharing economy’ will continue to do just fine. The monopolistic platforms benefit from this “free internet”, however the fact is nothing is “free” - someone always pays, whether through collection of personal data in exchange for access or by the exploitation of their work.
During the debate and before the first round of votes on the Copyright Directive I thought long and hard about how to approach the issue. While I have a degree of sympathy for the arguments about freedom of expression I am also concerned that the ‘free internet’ currently operates in an environment where the strong and powerful exert their influence without check and individuals are frequently bullied and victimised and the platform is exploited by peddlers of hate. As a local public representative I had to address several cases of unchecked systematic bullying over the internet and all of the evidence suggests that these problems had got worse, particularly in the public space and it is my firm view this is poisoning public discourse. I fail to see why the right to free expression should apply to people hiding behind cloaks of anonymity while others who express opinions in their own name are subjected to aggression in spaces into which the public have been invited. This concept of “freedom” is essentially a right-libertarian view and not one I share. The internet is the Wild West and, if it is not to become a tool of repression, must before long become civilised and subject to the rule of law where members of the public are able to participate on the same basis as any physical public space.
So I will be supporting the compromise reached between the Parliament and the Council on the Copyright Directive, because of the above and not least, because addressing the ‘value gap’ between platforms and creatives was part of Labour’s 2017 election manifesto in the UK.
Thank you again for contacting me.    
With best wishes,
John Howarth MEP On your side in Europe.www.johnhowarthmep.uk"
My further response to Mr Howarth was as follows:
"Dear John,
 Thanks for the considered response. You might be surprised to learn that I agree with your concerns about the disproportionate power of the big tech industry, particularly the big five, Google, Facebook, Amazon, Apple and Microsoft. You’ll no doubt be aware of the recommendations of the recent report of the House of Lords Communications Committee 
- https://www.parliament.uk/business/committees/committees-a-z/lords-select/communications-committee/news-parliament-2017/internet-regulation-report-publication/  
and the Disinformation and Fake News report of the Commons Digital Culture Media and Sport Select Committee -  
https://www.parliament.uk/business/committees/committees-a-z/commons-select/digital-culture-media-and-sport-committee/news/fake-news-report-published-17-19/  
which make well intentioned efforts to reign in the big technology monopolies. What you cannot do, however, is fix a disproportionate monopolies problem with automated upload filters, which is what the most recent version of Article 13 of the copyright directive that we are aware of attempts to do 
 https://juliareda.eu/wp-content/uploads/2019/02/Art_13_unofficial.pdf  
However, software is generations away from being able to make the kind of nuanced assessment of what might constitute copyright infringement that is required. If you get two copyright experts to assess whether something is infringing or not you’d get two (or more) different views in each case. What experts cannot agree on, you will never teach software to come to an appropriate conclusion on. Yet the problem with article 13 is not just automated prior restraint of speech, in the name of preventing copyright infringement but that the very companies it is professed to protect creators and the creative sector from will be the ones building and operating the filters. Article 13 will incentivise big tech to continue to develop, refine, implement and operate content filters – like YouTube’s Content ID system – and will add to their monopoly portfolios the realm of internet censors. It will also stifle innovation as small start-ups will not have the resources to develop or operate the required software filters.  
Though it’s not directly related to the copyright question, you raise the issue of the misuse of the internet for nefarious activity. The internet is already a tool of repression and oppression, aggression, bullying and hate mongers, shysters and criminals, unethical human behaviour of every variety. In that it is a mirror of human nature and we should not confuse the tool with our inherent psyche. It is also the greatest engine for mass communication and creativity in the history of the planet. As for poisoning public discourse, certain prominent members of your own profession and the popular mainstream media have a less than pristine record – it is and has long been virtually impossible to conduct an informed and nuanced public debate about any complex socioeconomic matter, without being vilified by someone taking words or phrases out of context or distorting what was said to pursue a particular agenda.  
On the question of the rule of law, is not true that activity on the internet is not subject to the rule of law. Just to start with, consider –  
The Public Order Act 1986 
The Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988 
The Malicious Communications Act 1998 
The Copyright and Related Rights Directive 2001 
The Communications Act 2003 
The Digital Economy Act 2010 
The Counter Terrorism and Security Act 2015 
The Investigatory Powers Act 2016 
The Digital Economy Act 2017  
S127 of the Communications Act 2003, s4 & 5 of the Public Order Act and s1 of the Malicious Communications Act have been used to convict someone of a criminal offence for making a joke on Twitter, in addition to prosecuting people spreading hate speech and racist comments for which the offenders were jailed.  
If your goal is genuinely an internet “subject to the rule of law where members of the public are able to participate on the same basis as any physical public space” then there is a fundamental principle of law that is the presumption against prior restraint of speech. Not all restrictions on free speech are a breach of the prior restraint doctrine – e.g. in relation to national security matters – but the long standing principle is that it is safer to impose penalties after publication. So automated upload filters, mandated by article 13 of the copyright directive, will not only hand the global censorship keys to the big tech monopolies but will undermine your stated intention in relation to the rule of law.  
Finally in relation to the ‘value gap’, it would be better described as a revenue gap. It’s been crafted as a value gap by public relations people attempting to influence legislators, like your good self, in order to get laws like article 13 passed that impose liabilities on internet intermediaries. What the commercial sector supporting article 13 are saying is they would like a bigger slice of the revenues currently going to big tech. Google already has licences with the music industry. Not a lot of the revenues arising from these flow to the individual creators. It has always been so. Prior to our information age, if I may borrow your own words, “for far too long people who work in the creative sector have been ripped off” by the oligopolistic creative commercial sectors. The fundamental problem of the imbalance in power will not be solved by copyright law and the revenue flow issue is more of a competition law problem. 
The creative industries are more economically buoyant than they have been in a generation and the EU is proposing to pass a law to leverage big tech into giving them more money. The collateral damage will be significant.  
It will damage the internet as we know it in the EU.  
It will mandate automated software filter prior restraint on speech, with the keys to those filters controlled by the very big tech monopolies it is proposed to reign in.  
It is irrelevant whether the intention is not to outlaw memes, to include exceptions for satire, parody, free academic enquiry, small businesses and bloggers – the big tech software filter operators will be police, judge, jury and censor.  
Like you, my experience informs my thinking.  I am an academic writer, teacher, manager, blogger with a long standing interest in technology policy. For years, Yahoo! search labelled my blog with a red warning triangle and a note in red font “Warning! Dangerous Download!” If this Article 13 filter had been in place the 4700+ articles I’ve written on that blog might never have seen the light of day.  
My son works occasionally for a small roving theatre company, a charity, producing videos and other multimedia works for them. Towards the end of last year one their videos was taken down by YouTube for alleged copyright infringement, despite the charity having paid for and cleared the licence for the background music used. He spent weeks getting YouTube to re-instate the video, including dealing with threats that the charity would have their account suspended permanently. That charity might not have an outlet on the world wide web at all, if the article 13 filters had been in place. 
 It’s a fallacy to believe the future monopolistic wielders of article 13 censorship keys – Google and the other big technology companies amongst them – will protect the interests of a single academic or small enterprise, other creators or the creative industries. They will not focus on anything other than their own economic interests.  
It is clear from your response that you are unlikely to change your mind on the copyright directive. I trust you won’t mind if I publish this correspondence on my blog in the hope of reaching a wider audience, before an article 13 software filter takes a dislike to my words and engages in some routine prior restraint.  
Regards,  
Ray Corrigan"
Update 22/3/'19:

Mr Howarth's  Political & Staff Manager Jim Robbins has kindly acknowledged my response and explained Brexit is pretty much getting in the way of everything at the moment; but that they will consider my perspective seriously.
Ray,

John has asked me to let you know that he really values your response and will consider it fully and speak to colleagues who have been involved with the debates on Article 13 and copyright.

He will respond fully in due course but, as you can imagine with the Brexit situation, things are pretty hectic here at the moment so I’m not quite sure when that will be.

Thanks for your email and the response.

Kind Regards,

Jim

Jim Robbins
Political & Staff Manager
Office of John Howarth MEP for South East England
Entirely understandable.
Many thanks Jim. I appreciate the acknowledgement. Good luck to John and those of you working with him in making a constructive contribution to finding a way out of the appalling Brexit chaos. Given the news from BMW recently that they will consider shutting down the Mini factory in Oxford, should Brexit go badly, you and John will be acutely aware of the deep concern it is causing in my area of the country. 
Regards,
Ray 

Wednesday, April 30, 2014

ECJ invalidate data retention directive

ECJ Invalidates data retention

On 8 April2014 the Grand Chamber of the European Court of Justice, (ECJ) in joined cases C-293/12 and C-594/12, issued a landmark decision declaring the 2006 data retention directive invalid.

The data retention directive was the instrument through which the EU required communications service providers, both fixed line and mobile, to store details of everything everyone does on the telephone or internet; for a period of between 6 months and two years. The details of what was required to be collected were laid out in article 5 of the directive and the only thing not permitted was recording of the content of calls or messages.

The ECJ decided that mass indiscriminate data retention interferes disproportionately and in a particularly serious manner with the fundamental rights to privacy and the protection of personal data.

The challengers

Digital Rights Ireland (DRI) and 11,130 Austrian citizens whose case was joined to that of DRI challenged the directive, ostensibly arguing it constituted an unlawful and unacceptable interference with fundamental rights to privacy and free speech. The Court focused on the effects of the data retention directive on articles 7 and 8 of the Charter of Fundamental Rights of the European Union - respect for private and family life and protection of personal data.

The Grand Chamber of the court proceeded to declare the directive invalid and effectively condemned pre-emptive, suspicionless, warrantless mass surveillance and consequent "interference with the fundamental rights of practically the entire European population".

Introduction and legal context

The Court opens by explaining Digital Rights Ireland challenged the implementation of the data retention directive into Irish law and the Austrian Constitutional Court, Verfassungsgerichtshof, was asked to consider the constitutionality of the Austrian implementation of the directive. They then set out the legal context.

The objective of the data protection directive, directive 95/46/EC, is to protect people's privacy. The aim of the directive on privacy and electronic communications, directive 2002/58/EC, is to harmonise privacy rights and allow sharing of data within and across the EU. Both these directives require appropriate technical and organisational measures to protect the security of personal data.  The 2002 directive prohibits surveillance without user consent, in theory. It has,however, the enormous loophole of article 15 which states any necessary, appropriate and proportionate measure can be used to bypass obligations to respect fundamental rights, when those measures are for national security or crime fighting reasons. Article 15 also specifically appears to approve of the retention of data.

The data retention directive itself obliged communications service providers to retain data. Under article 3, EU member state were required to adopt measures mandating data retention of categories of data specified in article 5. (Take a look at the list of information retained. It's almost unbelievable). Under article 4, access to this retained data would only be available to "competent national authorities" in specific cases and in accordance with national law. Article 6 specified the data should be retained for between 6 months and 2 years. Article 11 basically says when it comes to data retention the need to respect a basic level of fundamental rights theoretically noted in article 1 of the 2002 e-privacy directive could be ignored.

DRI and Austrian cases

The Court then outlines the Digital Rights Ireland and Austrian cases in paragraphs 17 to 22. DRI argued the directive constituted a disproportionate interference with fundamental rights to respect for privacy and family life, data protection and freedom of expression & information, guaranteed under articles 7, 8 and 11 of the Charter of Fundamental Rights of the European Union. Austrian citizens Mr Seitlinger, Mr Tschol et al sought the annulment of the Austrian law implementing data retention. The Austrian Court, took the view that data retention, because of the indiscriminate nature and scale of it, almost exclusively affects innocent people. The Verfassungsgerichtshof also felt data retention could not achieve its objectives and was disproportionate, so they also asked the European Court of Justice to review whether data retention constituted a disproportionate interference with fundamental rights guaranteed under articles 7, 8 and 11 of the Charter of Fundamental Rights of the European Union. Additionally the Verfassungsgerichtshof suggested the data protection directive and articles 52 and 53 of the Charter of Fundamental Rights presented barriers or at least limitations to data retention.

Next the ECJ considers the substance of the questions before them. They acknowledge (para 27) that the data mandated for retention taken as a whole provides a very rich picture of people's lives. Also that people might well adjust their behaviour and self censor due to the chilling effect of the knowledge of the mass data gathering (para 28). So there is a clear acceptance by the ECJ that freedom of expression protected by article 11 of the Charter could be on the line. They do not however pursue this to any solid conclusion and focus instead of matters of privacy and data protection, relating to articles 7 & 8 of the Charter.

Interference with privacy and data protection

The heavy lifting in the decision is then laid out from paragraph 32 to 71.
"32. ... Directive 2006/24... derogates from the system of protection of the right to privacy established by Directives 95/46 and 2002/58"
The data collected does not have to be sensitive or to inconvenience people in any way to establish the existence of an interference with the fundamental right to privacy. (Para 33). Data retention
"constitutes in itself an interference with the rights guaranteed by Article 7 of the Charter." (para 34). Access to the data retained by competent national authorities is an interference with the rights guaranteed by Article 7 of the Charter. (para 35). Likewise because the directive provides for the processing of personal data it is an interference with the fundamental right to data protection covered by article 8 of the Charter. (para 36). Paragraph 37 merits quotation in full:
"37.  It must be stated that the interference caused by Directive 2006/24 with the fundamental rights laid down in Articles 7 and 8 of the Charter is, as the Advocate General has also pointed out, in particular, in paragraphs 77 and 80 of his Opinion, wide-ranging, and it must be considered to be particularly serious. Furthermore, as the Advocate General has pointed out in paragraphs 52 and 72 of his Opinion, the fact that data are retained and subsequently used without the subscriber or registered user being informed is likely to generate in the minds of the persons concerned the feeling that their private lives are the subject of constant surveillance."
Justification for interference with fundamental rights

Having declared the interference with the fundamental rights to privacy and data protection particularly serious, the Court then must look at the justification for and proportionality of this interference. It finds the 2006 directive wanting on both counts.

Article 52(1) of the Charter of Fundamental Rights of the EU states that any circumvention of those rights must be proportionate, strictly limited and necessary to meet objectives of general interest or to protect the freedoms of others.

In paragraphs 39 and 40, the Court then makes a rather fuzzy attempt to step back from the absolutist stance it appears to have be shaping up to take against data retention.
"39... it must be held that, even though the retention of data required by Directive 2006/24 constitutes a particularly serious interference with those rights, it is not such as to adversely affect the essence of those rights given that, as follows from Article 1(2) of the directive, the directive does not permit the acquisition of knowledge of the content of the electronic communications as such."
This does not sit logically with the earlier acceptance in paragraphs 27 & 28 that metadata provides a very comprehensive picture of peoples' lives which could have a chilling affect on freedom of expression. It also seems something of a non sequitur - how must it be held that data retention constitutes a particularly serious interference with fundamental rights, yet not be such as to adversely affect the essence of those rights?

Paragraph 40 says the essence of article 8 data protection rights are not adversely affected because the text of data retention directive includes a note that says data protection must be respected. On that basis you could stick a token 'respect data protection' clause in every liberty bashing regulatory instrument and not "adversely affect" data protection.

The object of the the data retention is to fight serious crime and article 6 of the Charter of rights lays down the fundamental right to security. So fighting serious crime is a legitimate 'objective of general interest.' And communications technology is an important crime fighting tool. So
"44.  It must therefore be held that the retention of data for the purpose of allowing the competent national authorities to have possible access to those data, as required by Directive 2006/24, genuinely satisfies an objective of general interest."
Disproportionate nature of the data retention directive

The objective of data retention is acceptable. But is data retention a proportionate way to achieve that crime fighting objective? Proportionality requires acts of EU institutions to "not exceed the limits of what is appropriate and necessary in order to achieve" the objective in hand, in this case fighting serious crime.

The ECJ takes guidance from the European Court of Human Rights decision in 2008, S and Marper v UK, on the retention of DNA and fingerprints.
"47. ... the EU legislature’s discretion may prove to be limited, depending on a number of factors, including, in particular, the area concerned, the nature of the right at issue guaranteed by the Charter, the nature and seriousness of the interference and the object pursued by the interference (see, by analogy, as regards Article 8 of the ECHR, Eur. Court H.R., S. and Marper v. the United Kingdom [GC], nos. 30562/04 and 30566/04, § 102, ECHR 2008-V)."
Privacy and data protection are fundamental and so the discretion of EU legislature to interfere with them is reduced and any review of that discretion should be strict. (para 48). Data retention may be appropriate for crime fighting. (Para 49). The fight against serious crime requires modern techniques but that doesn't mean the kind of mass data retention required by the directive is necessary. (Para 51). Data protection is especially important for privacy.
"54. Consequently, the EU legislation in question must lay down clear and precise rules governing the scope and application of the measure in question and imposing minimum safeguards so that the persons whose data have been retained have sufficient guarantees to effectively protect their personal data against the risk of abuse and against any unlawful access and use of that data (see, by analogy, as regards Article 8 of the ECHR, Eur. Court H.R., Liberty and Others v. the United Kingdom, 1 July 2008, no. 58243/00, § 62 and 63; Rotaru v. Romania, § 57 to 59, and S. and Marper v. the United Kingdom, § 99)."
Data retention should have clear rule on scope and application and minimum safeguards against unlawful access. The unstated critique is that the directive fails on all counts.
"55.  The need for such safeguards is all the greater where, as laid down in Directive 2006/24, personal data are subjected to automatic processing and where there is a significant risk of unlawful access to those data (see, by analogy, as regards Article 8 of the ECHR, S. and Marper v. the United Kingdom, § 103, and M. K. v. France, 18 April 2013, no. 19522/09, § 35)."
Safeguards are particularly important with respect to the automatic large scale processing of data. Again the 2006 directive fails.
56. ... Directive 2006/24... entails an interference with the fundamental rights of practically the entire European population. [My emphasis]
"57.   In this respect, it must be noted, first, that Directive 2006/24 covers, in a generalised manner, all persons and all means of electronic communication as well as all traffic data without any differentiation, limitation or exception being made in the light of the objective of fighting against serious crime.." [My emphasis]
Paragraph 58 goes on to criticise Directive 2006/24's mandate to engage in the mass surveillance of innocent people not remotely connected to serious crime. Additionally it circumvents rules protecting privileged communications.

Then in recognition of the need for targeted rather than mass surveillance they state:
"59.  Moreover, whilst seeking to contribute to the fight against serious crime, Directive 2006/24 does not require any relationship between the data whose retention is provided for and a threat to public security and, in particular, it is not restricted to a retention in relation (i) to data pertaining to a particular time period and/or a particular geographical zone and/or to a circle of particular persons likely to be involved, in one way or another, in a serious crime, or (ii) to persons who could, for other reasons, contribute, by the retention of their data, to the prevention, detection or prosecution of serious offences."
That paragraph alone could be interpreted as a serious judicial uppercut to the UK government's mass surveillance practices revealed by Edward Snowden. At the risk of being boring I'm going to repeat my old mantra here.  It is unnecessary and completely disproportionate, not to mention dangerously ineffective, to collect innocent communications in order to find serious criminals. Finding a terrorist or serious criminal is a needle in a haystack problem – you can’t find the needle by throwing infinitely more needle-less electronic hay on the stack.  Law enforcement, intelligence and security services have to be able to move with the times. They need to use modern digital technologies intelligently in their work and through targeted data preservation regimes – not the mass surveillance regime they are currently operating – engage in technological surveillance of individuals about whom they have reasonable cause to harbour suspicion. That is not, however, the same as building an infrastructure of mass surveillance or facilitating the same through the legal architecture of directives like 2006/24 on data retention.

The ECJ follows up this mass surveillance critique with a clear declaration in paragraph 60 that the data retention directive has no limits on access to and use of retained data to the purpose of fighting serious crime and no criteria for determining such limits. In a way paragraphs 60 to 68 provide a blueprint for the Commission and particularly rabid surveillance addicted governments to re-write the data retention directive in a way that might be acceptable to the ECJ. Since these paragraphs spell out what is missing from the directive and might be read as suggesting 'make a token effort with these things next time and you'll be ok.'

Para 61 criticises Directive 2006/24's lack of procedures on determining access to data or its use or even limiting these to crime fighting. Para 62 notes the directive does not limit the number of people with access to the retained data to those strictly necessary. Nor does it subject access to the data to the prior review or oversight of a court, in order to limit access to that which is strictly necessary. Nor are member states obliged to set down such procedures.

Para 63 complains that the blanket data retention mandated doesn't make any distinction between categories of data. Para 64 says there is not even an attempt to justify the arbitrary period of retention chosen of between 6 months and 2 years.

Then comes the clincher.
"65.  It follows from the above that Directive 2006/24 does not lay down clear and precise rules governing the extent of the interference with the fundamental rights enshrined in Articles 7 and 8 of the Charter. It must therefore be held that Directive 2006/24 entails a wide-ranging and particularly serious interference with those fundamental rights in the legal order of the EU, without such an interference being precisely circumscribed by provisions to ensure that it is actually limited to what is strictly necessary." [My emphasis]
"66.   Moreover, as far as concerns the rules relating to the security and protection of data retained by providers of publicly available electronic communications services or of public communications networks, it must be held that Directive 2006/24 does not provide for sufficient safeguards, as required by Article 8 of the Charter, to ensure effective protection of the data retained against the risk of abuse and against any unlawful access and use of that data. In the first place, Article 7 of Directive 2006/24 does not lay down rules which are specific and adapted to (i) the vast quantity of data whose retention is required by that directive, (ii) the sensitive nature of that data and (iii) the risk of unlawful access to that data, rules which would serve, in particular, to govern the protection and security of the data in question in a clear and strict manner in order to ensure their full integrity and confidentiality. Furthermore, a specific obligation on Member States to establish such rules has also not been laid down." [My emphasis]
Para 67 says the 2006 directive doesn't specify a high enough data security threshold and doesn't require the irreversible destruction of data at the end of the retention period. Then in 68 the ECJ has serious concerns that the data retention directive does not require data to be retained within the borders of the EU. So control by independent authority of data protection and access to the retained data cannot be fully ensured. Such control is an essential corner stone of EU data protection law.

And that's the ballgame

They conclude:
"69. Having regard to all the foregoing considerations, it must be held that, by adopting Directive 2006/24, the EU legislature has exceeded the limits imposed by compliance with the principle of proportionality in the light of Articles 7, 8 and 52(1) of the Charter.
70. In those circumstances, there is no need to examine the validity of Directive 2006/24 in the light of Article 11 of the Charter.
71.  Consequently... Directive 2006/24 is invalid."
In short, the data retention directive presents a disproportionate interference with the fundamental rights to respect for private and family life and the protection of personal data. Consequently the directive is invalid, null and void. And because it is invalid on privacy grounds the ECJ don't see the need to pursue the question of whether it also might be invalid on the grounds of Article 11 of the Charter of Fundamental Rights relating to freedom of expression.

If the Charter of Fundamental Rights proves to have staying power as the legislative architecture protecting the rights of EU citizens into the distant future, then this ECJ decision could well prove to be historic. On a par with the civil rights cases of the US Supreme Court such as Brown v the Board of Education or the NYT v Sullivan. Only time will tell whether it achieves that fame or notoriety but it was certainly a welcome development in the battle to avoid a mass surveilled future.

Congratulations and thanks to TJ McIntyre, Simon McGarr and Digital Rights Ireland and to Mr Seitlinger, Mr Tschol et al and the Austrian Constitutional Court the Verfassungsgerichtshof in what was a long and difficult battle and a hard fought but very welcome victory in the end.