Friday, October 24, 2008

Will Telecoms package accomodate EU-wide 3 strikes rule?

According to the good folk at EDRI the telecoms package recently passed by the EU parliament retains worrying provisions potentially facilitating the introduction of a 3-strikes law on a European scale. German MEP, Ruth Hieronymi, who was instrumental in blocking amendment 132 which clearly opposed a 3 strikes regime, has stated publicly that she believes the telecoms package directive, as passed, now contains the legal framework for setting up an EU 3 strikes law or as the lobbyists like to call it the "graduated response" approach.

"In an attempt to influence the German government's position, a seminar, "on the development of Creative content online" was organized by the French embassy in Berlin with the title "Can the Olivennes agreement set the course for the digital future?". During the seminar, German MEP Ruth Hieronymi clearly stated that co-operation amendment 112 of the Harbour report in the Telecoms Package provided the basis for the graduated response in EU law. "I am absolutely convinced, that the legal framework is there, to fashion a model like Olivennes that is compatible with European law" she stated in relation to the Telecoms Package.

The MEP also claimed personal responsibility for the withdrawal of Amendment 132 in the Framework directive which opposed graduated response, and was in direct conflict with Amendment 112 and the other pro-Olivennes measures.

Hieronymi's comments show that the attempt to insert graduated response and copyright enforcement measures into the Harbour report was deliberate. Which means that a vote for the directive as it is now, will clearly be a vote for graduated response. Unless there is no opposition form the governments having shown some reserves, the law imposing the graduated response will be passed to all EU countries by December, as the Council seems to have decided to negotiate the document and not send it back to the EP for a second reading.

Parliament backs major telecoms, Internet overhaul (25.09.2008)
http://www.euractiv.com/en/infosociety/parliament-backs-major-telecoms...

MEPs back altered telecoms reform (25.09.2008)
http://www.out-law.com/page-9456

European Parliament votes against 3-strikes (24.09.2008)
http://www.iptegrity.com/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&am...

Telecoms Package : European democracy's victory already threatened (26.09.2008)
http://www.laquadrature.net/en/telecoms-package-european-democracys-vi...

EDRIgram: The telecom package debated by the European Parliament (10.09.2008)
http://www.edri.org/edrigram/number6.17/telecom-package-debated"

Ms Hieronymi's claims that there was deliberate intent to include a 3 strikes framework in the telecoms directive directly contradict the assurances to the contrary I was given by several of my own MEPs. Those assurances were largely based on statements by Conservative MEP Malcolm Harbour, the rapporteur for the directive, that there was nothing about copyright enforcement or 3-stikes in his report underpinning the directive.

Mr Harbour and Ms Hieronymi may have to agree to disagree on the existence or otherwise of the intent underlying the directive in respect of copyright but one thing that appears to be clear is that the amendment to the telecoms package supported by the EU parliament which could have been read to block a 3 strikes regime has apparently been quietly removed by the EU Council. The European Council working party on Telecommunications and the Information Society has dropped the following amendment to the telecoms package (amendment 166, also labeled article 32a):

"The following Article 32a shall be added: "Article 32a Access to content, services and applications Member States shall ensure that any restrictions to users' rights to access content, services and applications, if they are necessary, shall be implemented by appropriate measures, in accordance with the principles of proportionality, effectiveness and dissuasiveness. These measures shall not have the effect of hindering the development of the information society, in compliance with Directive 2000/31/EC, and shall not conflict with citizens' fundamental rights, including the right to privacy and the right to due process." "

The deletion is not even noted as is normal when such changes are made and no explanation is provided. With the Council apparently planning to pass the package now without returning to the EU parliament for a second reading it makes you wonder whether the parliament has any real function other than swallowing significant chunks of our tax revenues.

As to the 3 strikes regime I happened to be giving a talk on IP to OU colleagues yesterday and briefly mentioned the dangers again, as well as Lilian Edward's perpective on the Promusicae dicta from the European Court of Justice in January (regular readers will recogise the following as mainly copied from my notes on Lilian's presentation on at the OII's Musicians, fans and online copyright event at LSE in March this year):

"If we withdraw access to the Net from a large number of people in the UK (and 6 million plus are considered to be engaged in copyright infringement via the Net in the UK alone), should such withdrawal be by a closed industry procedure? Practical considerations mean that for the scheme to be workable on the part of the ISPs it would have to be automated and internal to the ISPs. No impartial process or judge would be overseeing it (as is happening in the French case). But we have to realise that ISPs are not Net police but service providers. They are not set up for policing. In court copyright infringement would have to be increased to the standard of a criminal infringement because withdrawal of access to the Internet feels very much like a criminal sanction.

In addition there is a presumption of guilt not innocence. The person linked to the IP address identified as an alleged source of infringement is automatically assumed to be guilty and has the burden of proving their innocence. There are a large number of ways that people might be wrongly accused - there are a lot of reasons why the person linked to the IP address - i.e. the formal ISP subscriber - might not be the infringer. It could be other family members or their friends or others accessing open wireless access points (wifi piggybacking), or trojans enabling remote control of that machine.

There should be an absolute commitment to starting with a presumption of innocence rather than a presumption of guilt by an industry with an economic stake in an outcome whereby someone is held responsible.

Will legal access be available to the accused? Or does someone have to be cut off first? Article 6.1 of the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR) guarantees the right to due process. Is access to the Net itself a basic human right? Article 36 of the ECHR would suggest so or at least it is very close. The French scheme is better than an unmediated scheme since it allows for the access to an independent tribunal with the oversight of a judge.

Even if we could overcome these problems, there is a serious legal question about whether a 3 strikes law is a proportionate response to the specific problem. According to the recent Promusicae v Telefónica case in the European Court of Justice the rights of the music labels to protect their copyrights must be balanced with the civil rights of users of the Net. Having access to the Net is now a fundamental part of nearly everyone's life in the developed world and it relates to basic rights to:

• free expression
• freedom of association
• education
• and employment

and the ECHR and every other serious international charter of rights says that if a law is not proportionate it is not legal.

Even with the legitimate aim of defending or protecting copyrights, the ECJ clearly instructed member state governments that they are not to endanger human rights or proportionality. Professor Lilian Edwards of Sheffield University actually thinks that this part of the decision was a clear dicta from the court aimed directly at the kind of 3 strikes notice and disconnect schemes the French have implemented and others are considering, including it seems the EU Council where there have been sustained efforts to sneak the measure through, hidden in the massively complex telecoms package directive."

EU Commission press ahead with strip search body scanners

From this morning's Times: MEPs fear that 'strip search' X-ray body scanners could expose stars to the wrong kind of publicity

"Are you ready for take-off? Plans to allow passengers to be virtually strip searched by X-ray body scanners at airports across Europe were denounced yesterday as a threat to personal dignity.

MEPs called for safeguards to prevent the revealing images — which penetrate clothing and leave little to the imagination — from being stored or published, raising fears of a trade in embarrassing pictures of celebrities being sold for high prices."

You know what's really sad about this? The focus of concern is on the possible embarrassment to celebrities. Who cares if Jo Soap gets strip searched as a matter of routine but wouldn't it be terrible if the images of some famous person ended up on the internet?

What the hell is the matter with these people?!

The print version of the story is accompanied by a cartoon of a couple of security men looking goggle-eyed at a screen with one saying "It's the phwor! on terror." That about sums it up.

Alos recommended from today's Times: I may be paranoid but they are watching us.

"

It's not insane to be paranoid. That is the comforting message I took from the speech given this week by Sir Ken Macdonald, the Director of Public Prosecutions, who warned the Government not to abuse its “enormous powers of access to information”. In a direct hit on the Home Secretary's desire to record on an Orwellian database every e-mail, phone call and website visited, he said that “freedom's back is broken” if ministers give in to the pressures of a State that is insatiable.

I say comforting, because I frequently feel that I am living in a looking-glass world, where what Sir Ken calls the “paraphernalia of paranoia” makes reality feel like a spoof. Take a parochial example. Several readers sent me an article from the Lincolnshire Echo that claimed Lincoln City Council was training its plumbers and electricians to spot child abuse. I contacted some nice people at the council last week, apologising for wasting their time on what, I said, was probably overexcited gossip. But it turned out to be true. These perfectly sane people are indeed training their 820 staff to “recognise when a child may be in a harmful situation”. They believe that the Children's Act 2004 requires all employees to “safeguard and promote the welfare of children and young people when discharging the council's functions, eg, throughout their daily work or work that has been subcontracted out”. Staff will be trained, and required to “report to relevant agencies” what they see."

Wednesday, October 22, 2008

The Supreme Court on the Ohio election case

A widely ignored US Supreme Court decision last week in Jennifer Bruner, Ohio Secretary of State v. Ohio Republican Party et al. could in its own way prove to be as important to the 2008 presidential election as the Bush v Gore case was in 2000. Michael Dorf picks up the tale at Findlaw:

" A terse ruling last week in Brunner v. Ohio Republican Party-a case that could have important ramifications for the Presidential election-should serve as a reminder that the Supreme Court is, for all of its imperfections, capable of genuinely putting aside politics to apply the law.

The Underlying Dispute: Did Ohio's Secretary of State Violate the Post-Bush v. Gore Federal Voting Statute?

In the wake of Bush v. Gore, Congress enacted the Help America Vote Act (HAVA), a statute that, among other things, sets standards for federal elections...

Ohio is a swing state that President Bush narrowly carried in 2004 amidst allegations of irregularities that disproportionately suppressed the votes of Democrats. Ohio's current Secretary of State is a Democrat, Jennifer Brunner. She was recently sued by the Ohio Republican Party and a Republican state representative in Ohio, who claimed that by failing to provide county election officials with lists of newly registered voters whose registration information did not match their motor vehicle information, she had violated HAVA.

Secretary Brunner in turn responded that HAVA does not specifically require her to provide lists to county officials; that doing so would be unduly burden her office; and that, in any event, another federal law-the National Voter Registration Act or "Motor Voter"-forbids systematic purging of voters from the rolls within 90 days of an election, so that there would be no point in providing this information to county election officials at this late date.

A federal district judge originally ruled in favor of the Ohio Republican Party, granting a temporary restraining order (TRO) against Secretary Brunner. However, a panel of the Sixth Circuit quickly reversed that decision, only to be reversed in turn by the full (en banc) Sixth Circuit.

Last week's en banc opinion in Ohio Republican Party v. Brunner rejected Secretary Brunner's reading of HAVA and also rejected the argument, advanced by the Secretary, that private parties could not sue to enforce HAVA. The en banc court said this was a close question, but that the district judge acted within his authority in finding a sufficient likelihood of success on the merits to grant the plaintiffs their TRO. (To gain the temporary relief of a TRO, a plaintiff must show only that he is likely to succeed in proving the allegations of the complaint, not that he actually will succeed in doing so, and that he will suffer irreparable injury absent the TRO.)

Faster than you can say "Bush v. Gore," the Supreme Court reversed the Sixth Circuit's en banc decision. It held that the legal standard governing who can sue to enforce statutes is simply too demanding for the plaintiffs to have established a likelihood of success on the merits. It was probable, instead, that they lacked the right to bring the case in the first place. As a consequence, the federal court suit was dismissed. Thus, it now appears that Secretary Brunner's decision not to flag discrepancies between voter registrations and motor vehicle records for county election officials will stand.

Had the Supreme Court not reversed the en banc Sixth Circuit ruling, thousands of newly registered Ohio voters might have been purged from the rolls. Because the Democrats have registered more new Ohio voters than have the Republicans, last week's ruling was no doubt welcome news to the Obama campaign and a disappointment to the McCain campaign. Should Senator Obama capture Ohio by a razor-thin margin, and should Ohio prove decisive in the Electoral College race, he will have the Supreme Court to thank on Inauguration Day...

The conservatives who had fashioned a test that makes it very hard for plaintiffs to bring civil rights lawsuits, were consistent enough to say that the test must be equally difficult for Republican plaintiffs to satisfy. Whether or not one agrees with that strict test, one should at least respect the Justices for applying it in a way that did not focus on the results-in this case a benefit to a Democratic Secretary of State and, more importantly, the Democratic Party...

It is no doubt faint praise to laud the Supreme Court for having the intellectual honesty to apply its legal principles even-handedly, regardless of whether those principles favor Democrats or Republicans. At a minimum, justice is supposed to be blind. Still, given the lingering shadow that Bush v. Gore casts over the Supreme Court's objectivity in cases involving Presidential elections, even such minimal fairness is heartening."

Tuesday, October 21, 2008

Take ORG to 1000 and beyond

The Open Rights Group ORG:GRO campaign continues this week and they're even giving away five copies of my book, theoretically as an incentive to join up and hand over your fiver a month. Don't let my book put you off(!) but do consider seriously supporting a great group of people who, with limited resources, are doing sterling work in the digital rights area. Every little bit helps and it would be great to see them hitting their interim target of 1000 members by the end of the month.

"This week, to encourage more people to join up and support Open Rights with a fiver per month, we’re giving away copies of Ray Corrigan’s Digital Decision-Making: Back to the Future. Ray is a rapid-fire blogger with a big interest in digital rights issues whose work has a historical, home-grown perspective and a sharp sense of humour. If you want one of five signed copies of the book, then please sign up today and note ‘Ray da Man’ in the ‘where i heard about ORG’ box. We’ll send the books to whoevers’ fivers arrive the quickest! Here’s a quote from the synopsis to whet your appetites:

Since the general public began to use the Internet in the mid 1990s, there has been a vast amount of investment by governments and commerce in digital communications technologies. There has also been a fair degree of confusion and sometimes controversy about the purpose and effectiveness of such technologies, for example the proposed UK identity card system. Decisions about digital communications technologies are not always so clearly a subject of political concern as is the case with identity cards.The far-reaching implications for commerce and society of some of these decisions in invisible or opaque specialist fields, however, mean they should be matters of concern for every citizen. This book argues that: decisions should be based on an understanding of the systems, technology and environment within which they operate; experts and ordinary people should work together; and, technology and law are evolving in restrictive rather than enabling ways.

Its looking pretty tight as to whether we hit our interim target of 1,000 fivers per month by the end of October. Although we’re still rising, the rate of new supporters has slowed significantly this month. Please, if you’re already a supporter then spread the word about our works on your networks."

I've never been described as a rapid-fire blogger before. Thanks Michael! Though I'm not sure some of my more serious minded colleagues would approve if they realised I was engaged in such an unconventional academic pursuit. ;-)

Update: If you have a free 7 minutes have a look at this video which gives you an rough idea of the kinds of things ORG campaign about:


Who's Watching Who? from Dean Whitbread on Vimeo.

Monday, October 20, 2008

EPIC report on deceptive election campaign practices

The good folks over at EPIC's National Committee for Voting Integrity (NCVI) have released their first report, E-Deceptive Campaign Practices Report: Internet Technology & Democracy 2.0, on technology of deceptive campaign practices.

"Deceptive campaigns are attempts to misdirect voters regarding the voting process for public elections. Deceptive campaign activity can be false statements about polling times, date of the election, or voter identification rules. The EPIC report reviews the potential for abuse of Internet technology in an election context, and makes recommendations on steps that could be taken by Election Protection, Election Administrators, and voters to protect the integrity of the upcoming election. A legal and policy companion of the report was simultaneously released by Common Cause and the Lawyers Committee for Civil Rights Under Law."

What will be on ContactPoint children's database?

Terri Dowty has drawn up a list of the various authorities that are going to have to be on the massive ContactPoint children's database if they are providing ‘targeted services’ to the child.

"To save you the trouble of chasing around the different bits of legislation, I’ve brought them all together in a single list. Here goes:

(1) a children’s services authority in England; (which in itself includes social work, educational welfare, learning support etc) or a district council which is not such an authority;

(2) a Strategic Health Authority;

(3) a Special Health Authority, so far as exercising functions in relation to England, designated by order made by the Secretary of State for the purposes of this section;

(4) a Primary Care Trust;

(5) an NHS trust all or most of whose hospitals, establishments and facilities are situated in England;

(6) an NHS foundation trust;

(7) the police authority and chief officer of police for a police area in England;

(8) the British Transport Police Authority, so far as exercising functions in relation to England;

(9) a local probation board for an area in England;

(10) a youth offending team for an area in England;

(11) the governor of a prison or secure training centre in England (or, in the case of a contracted out prison or secure training centre, its director);

(12) any person to the extent that he is providing services under section 114 of the Learning and Skills Act 2000 (c. 21) - ie. anyone providing a service to young people that the Secretary of State believes will “encourage, enable or assist (directly or indirectly) effective participation by young persons in education or training”

(13) the Learning and Skills Council for England;

(14) the governing body of a maintained school in England (within the meaning o f section 175 of the Education Act 2002 (c. 32));

(15) the governing body of an institution in England within the further education sector (within the meaning of that section);

(16) the proprietor of an independent school in England (within the meaning of the Education Act 1996 (c. 56));

** NB (17) a person or body of such other description as the Secretary of State may by regulations specify. ***

(18) a person registered in England for child minding or the provision of day care under Part 10A of the Children Act 1989 (c. 41);

(19) a voluntary organisation exercising functions or engaged in activities in relation to persons to whom arrangements specified in subsection (1) relate;

(20) the Commissioners of Inland Revenue;

(21) a registered social landlord;

(22) The governing body of a special school which is not maintained by a local authority and which has been approved as a special school under section 342 of the Education Act 1996.

(23) The Registrar General for England and Wales

(24) A health care professional regulated by a body mentioned in section 25(3) of the National Health Service Reform and Health Care Professions Act 2002 - eg.dentist, optician, osteopath, chiropractor, pharmacist, chiropodist, physiotherapist, speech therapist, dietician, occupational therapist, art/music/drama therapist, chiropodist

(25) The fire and rescue authority (determined in accordance with Part 1 of the Fire and Rescue Services Act 2004) for any area in England where the local authority (within the meaning in these Regulations) is not the fire and rescue authority for the area.

(26) The Children and Family Court Advisory and Support Service."

That's quite a list.

Thursday, October 16, 2008

Copyright and Copy-Reliant Technology

Matthew Sag of DePaul University College of Law has written a still-evolving and really interesting paper on a couple of the key questions facing copyright law in our digital age. The abstract is available at SSRN.

"This article studies the rise of copy-reliant technologies - technologies such as Internet search engines and plagiarism detection software that, although they do not read, understand or enjoy copyrighted works, necessarily copy them in large quantities. This article provides a unifying theoretical framework for the legal analysis of topics that tend to be viewed discretely. Search engines, plagiarism detection software, reverse engineering and Google's nascent library cataloging effort, are each part of a broader phenomenon brought about by digitization, that of copy-reliant technologies. These technologies raise two novel, yet central, questions of copyright law. First, whether a non-expressive use that nonetheless requires copying the entirety of a copyright work should be found to infringe the exclusive rights of the copyright owner. Second, whether the transaction costs associated with copy-reliant technologies justify switching copyright's default rule that no copying may take place without permission to one in which copyright owners must affirmatively opt-out of specific uses of their works."

So - should there be automatic infringement or should copyright owners actively have to opt out? Or to put it another way should copyright owners be required to opt in before search engines, plagiarism detection, Google library, archiving or reverse engineering actors can copy their works for a variety of uses? If we look at the parallels with the vast swathes of personal data hoovered up by commercial and governmental organisations for business and surveillance purposes, then civil rights groups would tend to push for a consumer opt in rule. Whereas commerce and government prefer an opt out (or preferably no option to opt out) rule in this regard, (though to me it still beggars belief that, in a modern liberal democracy, mass surveillance of the entire population is somehow considered acceptable). Getting back to Professor Sag's copyright questions though, perhaps there should be a compensation scheme - collection schemes or societies or compulsory licensing - for this mass digital, often ultimately commercial, non expressive use of copyrighted works. Then regardless of the opt in or opt out rule, copyright holders get compensated if they grant (opt out or opt in) permission for such commercial non expressive use of their works? Professor Sag draws a more nuanced conclusion, recognising the fuzzy line between expressive and non-expressive use, in addition to noting that precedent dictates that copying which does not communicate or distribute the original expression to the public should not be considered to be copyright infringement:

"In many ways, technology is the dog on copyright’s leash. In theory, and occasionally in
practice, copyright channels the direction of technological progress; but more often,
technology simply drags the law in its wake, going where it will. The pull of recent
technological change on copyright law has been demonstrated in this Article. Copyreliant
technologies – technologies that necessarily copy expressive works in large quantities,
but do so for non-expressive purposes – are vital to the operation of the
Internet. And yet, because these technologies are so dependant on access to copyrighted
works, they are also vulnerable to claims of copyright infringement.
Recognizing the common ground shared by search engines, electronic archives,
plagiarism detection software and other copy-reliant technologies, sheds considerable
light on the application of copyright law in the Internet era. In relation to the first core
question posed by copy-reliant technology, the potential for copyright liability for the
expressive use of copyrighted works, this Article has established that acts of copying
which do not communicate the author’s original expression to the public should not be
held to constitute copyright infringement. To do so would conflict with decades of
accumulated precedent that limit the rights copyright owners to those uses of their works
that offer some threat of expressive substitution.
In spite of its centrality, the question of non-expressive use may not fully resolve all
copyright disputes involving copy-reliant technologies. While the category of nonexpressive
use is conceptually neat, it may prove messy in implementation. Inevitably,
courts will face cases where the line between expressive and non-expressive remains
ambiguous. In such cases the effect of opt-out mechanisms offered by the defendant
moves from the periphery to the center of legal analysis. Technologically enabled opt-out
mechanisms such as the Robots Exclusion Protocol play an essential role in maintaining
order on the digital frontier. Such devices are essential to overcoming the otherwise
daunting transaction costs facing copy-reliant technologies. Accordingly, to treat the
phenomenon of copy-reliant technology comprehensively requires addressing the
significance of opt-outs under copyright law.
Copyright law is fluid by design, and nowhere is that fluidity more evident than in the
development of the fair use doctrine. Even without the fair use doctrine, the mere
invocation of literary property would not settle the scope of the copyright owner’s rights
or the nature of the remedies to which she is entitled. The fair use doctrine both allows
and requires judges to consider market realities in determining the application of
copyright law in novel circumstances. To the extent that other commentators have
considered the doctrinal significance of transaction costs in relation to isolated issues
such as the Google Book project, they have largely missed the point. Judges are not state
planners; they should not attempt to use the fair use doctrine to achieve some static
allocation of uses for a given set of copyrighted works. What judges should do is apply
the fair use doctrine to fashion a set default rules which facilitate the kind of private
ordering the copyright has traditionally embraced. In the high transaction costs
environment of copy-reliant technologies, this may well mean finding in favor of the user
who provides copyright owners with the choice to opt-out."


There genuinely is a lot of life in modern copyright scholarship. What I find depressing is that little of it finds its way into policy making.

Mark Twain's plan to beat copyright law

Mark Twain considered copyright law a licence for publishers to steal from authors and their families and worked tirelessly as an unpaid lobbyist to get Congress to extend the term of copyright beyond the 42 years his own works were protected for. He saw publishers as pirates waiting for his works, which they had made no contribution to, to pass into the public domain, so they could print and sell their own versions, thereby stealing his property and depriving his family.

But he then came up with a scheme to thwart these pirates. When his copyrights expired he planned to publish new editions including extracts from his autobiography at the bottom of each page. He believed these new autobiographically enhanced editions of his works would attract another 42 years copyright protection and would kill the market for the re-printed public domain versions of the original works the 'pirate' publishers would produce.

A lovely article from the December 12, 1906, edition of the NYT explains. Twain may have got the idea from Walter Scott's commentaries - Scott published new editions of his old works with commentaries, after which the market for the works without the commentaries reportedly shrunk drastically.

Tuesday, October 14, 2008

Voter disenfranchisement in the US

From Empire Burlesque:

"After eight years of a veritable Ossa of evidence of gamed, thrown, fixed and finagled elections, this week the NY Times bestirred itself to notice that something might possibly be amiss in the nation's electoral process. A headline writer topped the story with weakest possible statement of the undeniable truth: "States' Actions to Block Voters Appear Illegal." And you can bet your bottom dollar (as it falls through the bottomless pit of the Beltway bailout banditry) that if the New York Times deigns to acknowledge even the "appearance" of some mischance in the divinely ordained machinery of the Establishment, the actual rot is very far gone indeed.

Thus the thoroughgoing disenfranchisement of eligible voters -- as many as three million in 2004, as Greg Palast has noted -- has finally spilled into the paper's sacred precincts. The first paragraph puts in plainly:
Tens of thousands of eligible voters in at least six swing states have been removed from the rolls or have been blocked from registering in ways that appear to violate federal law, according to a review of state records and Social Security data by The New York Times.
Hard to put it more plainly than that: voters in key states are being disenfranchised in violation of federal law. In other words, a very serious crime is being committed, a bloody shiv job to the heart of the democratic process."

Thanks to Rachel from North London for the link.

Counting electronic votes in secret

From Grayson Barber at Freedom to Tinker:

"Things are not looking good for open government when it comes to observing poll workers on Election Night. Our state election laws, written for the old lever machines, now apply to Sequoia electronic voting machines. Andrew Appel and I have been asking a straightforward question: Can ordinary members of the public watch the procedures used by poll workers to count the votes?

I submitted a formal request to the Board of Elections of Mercer County (where Princeton University is located), seeking permission to watch the poll workers when they close the polls (on Sequoia AVC Advantage voting computers) and announce the results. They said no!

The Election Board said this election is “too important” to permit extra people in the polling place.

They even went so far as to suggest that my written application was fraudulent. I applied on behalf of five people: two Princeton University students, two professors, and myself. In an abundance of caution, I requested authorization in the form of “challenger badges” which the Board of Elections can issue at its discretion. By phone, I explained our interest in merely watching the poll workers.

Of course we understand that they might not want extra people getting in the way on Election Night -- that’s why we took measures to get special authorization. To ensure that we could be lawfully present, we asked for challenger badges as non-partisan proponents and opponents of two Public Questions on the ballot, as permitted by NJSA 19:7-2. My request was entirely in compliance with state law, as all the prospective challengers are registered to vote in Mercer County.

In spite of this, the Board expressed reluctance, based on the identities of the prospective challengers. In particular, they cited Andrew’s status as an expert on Sequoia voting machines as a “concern,” and provided assurances that Sequoia has fixed all the problems he identified in past elections.

Other counties in New Jersey permit members of the public to watch the poll workers “read” the election results. Combined with Judge Feinberg’s decision to suppress Andrew’s report on the security of the Sequoia machines, Mercer County conveys the unfortunate impression it does not welcome scrutiny of its electronic voting process."

Quote of the day

One of my favorite quotes, which I happened across again today, comes from Norman Mailer:

"Once a newspaper touches a story, the facts are lost forever, even to the protagonists."

Lords crush 42 day detention bill

The most important news coming out of the UK yesterday was not the rescue of the banks but the House of Lords crushing defeat of the government's plans for pre-charge detention of up to 42 days and Home Secretary Jacqui Smith's announcement late last night that the government would now drop the measure from the latest anti-terror bill. Naturally it is buried on the inside pages of the papers and doesn't even make an appearance at all in some of them.

"Plans to give police up to 42 days to question terrorism suspects were crushed by the House of Lords last night, halting a three-year, high-wire political battle begun in the aftermath of the 7/7 bombings.

The Government conceded defeat after peers voted against the measure by 309 votes to 118 – the biggest loss since hereditary peers were forced to give up their seats in 1999 – and in a humiliating climbdown announced that the provision would be removed from the Counter-Terrorism Bill.

This came after opposition to the proposals from all quarters, with 24 Labour rebels including two former Lord Chancellors, Lord Irvine of Lairg and Lord Falconer of Thoroton, as well as Baroness Manningham-Buller, the former head of MI5, Lord Justice Woolf, the former Lord Chief Justice, and Lord Condon, the former Metropolitan Police Commissioner.

The Government moved swiftly to limit its embarrassment and in an emergency Commons statement last night, Jacqui Smith, the Home Secretary, announced that the 42-day proposal would be published in a separate draft Bill that could be voted on in the event of a national emergency. "

The checks and balances of the unwritten British constitution may yet have some life in them in the war on the politics of fear.

Update: Liberty's 42 WRITERS FOR LIBERTY is excellent. Phillip Pullman for example:

"

Why 42 days?

What they mean is six weeks, of course. Six weeks! Six weeks in prison without being charged! Anything could happen in six weeks. Wars have lasted less than six weeks. In six weeks, Christopher Columbus crossed the Atlantic and discovered the New World. Six weeks was enough time for Mozart to write three of his greatest symphonies. William Faulkner took six whole weeks to write his novel As I Lay Dying; John le Carré wrote The Spy Who Came In From The Cold in five. In six weeks, on average, each of the 2,710 Liberty Ships were built in the USA during the Second World War to supplement the Allied merchant fleets. Robert Louis Stevenson took three days to write Dr Jekyll and Mr Hyde, but six weeks to revise and polish it. In six weeks the Wright brothers’ mechanic, Charlie Taylor, built from scratch the light and powerful engine that powered their first flight. In one month in 1819 the poet Keats wrote his Ode to a Nightingale, Ode on a Grecian Urn, Ode on Melancholy, and Ode on Indolence.

I could multiply the examples a hundredfold, taking in every sphere of human activity, but you get the point: people can do complex, extraordinary, profoundly difficult things in 42 days or less. Six weeks is a long time.

And now we learn that among the almost insuperable obstacles needing the full majesty of the human mind to overcome is the task of interrogating a prisoner and gathering enough evidence to bring a conviction. Apparently it’s so subtle and complex a process that it too needs no less than six weeks to complete. What makes it even more impressive is that this discovery has only been made in Britain. No other democracy has realised the profound difficulty of this process; some countries appear to think so little of the intellectual challenges of the task that they allow only two days for its completion. 48 hours! Preposterous.

We don’t know how lucky we are, to live in a nation where police officers have all of six weeks to discover why they’ve locked us up. Ask them after 41 days why a prisoner is still behind bars, and they can honestly and innocently say “No idea, mate.” But give them that extra day, and they’ll crack it, and be up there with Mozart and Christopher Columbus."

And Terrance Blacker:

"In the end, it is a matter of trust and terror.

The government says, ‘Trust us. There are people out there who want to use terror to kill innocent people. They threaten our values and our way of life. They are so dangerous that the normal, basic liberties of citizens must be suspended in order to protect you and your family.’

But the lesson of this century has been that the more a government asks you to trust them, the less you should.

The last time we were asked to put our trust in their confidential information, the great secret truth that we were promised turned out to be a convenient lie. By then, the country was at war and thousands died.

A government who tries to frighten its people into giving up hard-won human rights almost always has something to hide.

It is using terror in order to threaten our values and our way of life.

Now why does that sound so familiar?"

And Rachel North:

"

7/7/05: The Westbound Piccadilly line train was at crush capacity as it pulled away from Kings Cross. To travel on it was to be uncomfortably intimate with strangers; to feel the warmth of their backs, bellies, shoulders pressed into your own body, the smell of rain-damp clothing, the prod of elbows, umbrellas, bump of handbags and rucksacks. When you are so close to your fellow passengers that you can feel their breath on your cheek, it is considered polite not to meet their eyes.

Perhaps that was how he was able to do it; the nineteen year old man with the home-made bomb held close to his body. Perhaps he did not look at the faces of the men and women around him as he set off the detonator.

We will never know because the 26 people closest to him were killed.

The acts which we call most evil are those which display a pitiless lack of empathy towards fellow-humans. In the wake of such acts, anger, outrage and fear follow our shock.

Terrorism is the dark art of wielding fear as a political weapon. To provoke a horrified reaction, to seed fear and hatred and division is the goal of the bomber. He harnesses our nightmares and uses them against us. It gives him power when we deem him our terrible enemy and demand the government respond.

But the unspoken truth is that it is not possible to keep us safe. There is no legislation that can protect us from the man who moves amongst us with a bomb on his back and hate in his heart.

Even if every man and woman and child is watched over and monitored every moment of every day. Even if every conversation, every email, every transaction is recorded; if armed police and sniffer dogs travel on every bus and train and stand guard outside pubs and schools and shops and stadiums. It still would not keep us safe.

Accepting this is hard but it is the price of our freedom.

We walk out of our homes and into the world every day as free men and women. We are protected by ancient liberties that thousands have died to protect. They are to be cherished as much in the age of the suicide bomber as in the age of the threatened enemy invasion.

To give them up is to let terrorists win."

And Mohsin Hamid

"Before moving to Britain in 2001, I had lived in the United States for over a dozen years. I came and went from America with little difficulty. Not long after the events of 9/11, I had my first experience of “secondary inspection.” Although I possessed a green card, I was taken out of the regular immigration line and put in a separate room. There I waited. I was asked whether I had ever been to Afghanistan. I answered in the negative. I was asked whether I had ever had combat training. I answered in the negative. I was told to wait some more. I was not allowed to use my mobile phone. Two hours passed. Eventually I was permitted to proceed into the United States. But two hours of detention without charge was enough time for my imagination to run free.


I wondered if I had been mistaken for someone else. I wondered if that mistake might see me denied entry to the country. I wondered if I might be held incommunicado and questioned before being deported. I wondered if I might be held incommunicado and questioned indefinitely – and have to plead to be deported.

Two hours of detention without charge caused me, an innocent man, to change my behaviour thereafter. I began carrying copies of my books and articles whenever I flew. I found excuses to travel to the United States less often. I became slightly nervous days in advance of my trips there. I ceased to think of myself as an individual at airports and began to think of myself as a suspect.

I have experienced firsthand the toll that one twelfth of a day can take on a man. It is perhaps for this reason that I see in 42 days of detention without charge a horror our society must find the strength to resist."

No opt out from filtered Net for Aussies

It seems that the Australian government plans for filtering the internet are to leave no room for opting out.

"Australians will be unable to opt-out of the government's pending Internet content filtering scheme, and will instead be placed on a watered-down blacklist, experts say.

Under the government's $125.8 million Plan for Cyber-Safety, users can switch between two blacklists which block content inappropriate for children, and a separate list which blocks illegal material.

Pundits say consumers have been lulled into believing the opt-out proviso would remove content filtering altogether. "

So given the problems this blog has had with filter software over the years, it may be that my Australian readers will no longer be able to get through to my remote corner of the blogosphere.

Monday, October 13, 2008

Court of Appeal rules no defence for refusing to hand over encryption keys

The Court of Appeal has ruled that someone refusing to hand over decryption keys, having been served with a s49 Regulation of Investigatory Powers Act (RIPA) notice, can be prosecuted (under RIPA s 53), notwithstanding the protections which exist in the UK against self incrimination.

Caspar Bowden and FIPR repeatedly warned that this would be the case when RIPA was being considered by parliament but I think this is the first case where a definitive Appeal Court ruling has been made, (appealing the decision of Judge Martin Stephens QC at the Central Criminal Court in June this year). The ruling, made by Mr Justice Penry-Davey and Mr Justice Simon, is available in full at BAILII and the case is S & Anor, R. v [2008] EWCA Crim 2177 (09 October 2008). The whole thing hinges on the right to avoid self incrimination not being an absolute right - a number of exceptions are quoted in the decision - and the appellants being terrorist suspects, whose application to avoid handing over the decryption keys, according to the judges, proceeded on the assumption that what would be uncovered in the decryption would indeed be incriminating evidence. In addition there was no question of the keys being extracted by torture ("inhuman or degrading treatment") which would 'give rise to the exercise of the court's jurisdiction, under section 78 of the Police and Criminal Evidence Act 1984, to refuse to allow evidence to be given by the prosecution when the circumstances in which it was obtained undermined the fairness of the proceedings.'

The decision is quite short and accessible. The key parts being:

"2. During 2007 H was made the subject of a control order under the Prevention of Terrorism Act 2005. The order obliged him to live and remain in Leicestershire, and not to leave his home address without the consent of the Secretary of State for the Home Department. The present appellants are alleged to have conspired together, and with H and others, to breach that order. The objective of the conspiracy was to assist H to abscond from his address in Leicester and to convey him to a new, secret address in Sheffield. On 9 September 2007 S collected H and drove him there. Shortly after their arrival in Sheffield the police entered the premises.

3. H was found in one room, and S in another. S was alone in the same room as a computer. The key to an encrypted file appeared to have been partially entered. He was arrested, and when interviewed, made no comment. In the meantime his home address in London was searched. The search revealed computer material. Various documents had been deleted from the computer hard drives, but when retrieved, they provided the basis for charges against S under section 58 of the Terrorism Act 2000, that is, possessing documents or records of information of kind likely to be useful to a terrorist or potential terrorist. However without the encryption keys for the encrypted files present on the computer hard drives, and indeed the full key for encrypted file on the laptop on which the encryption key appeared to have been already partially entered in Sheffield, the encrypted files could not be accessed and their contents examined.

4. A was also arrested on 9 September. Computer material was later seized from his address by the police. One of the discs seized has an encrypted area. Without the encryption key access cannot be gained to it.

5. Both appellants were charged on 10th September 2007 with conspiracy to breach the control order imposed on H In December 2007 S was arrested while in custody, and following an interview in which he declined to answer any questions, he was charged with offences under section 58 of the 2000 Act. While subject to these charges, on 16 January 2008, S was served with two notices under section 53 of RIPA, and a similar notice was served on A on 15 March 2008.

6. The first notice served on S immediately identified the purpose, the "investigation of protected electronic information", and after explaining that the notice imposed a legal obligation, failure to comply with which was an offence, it continued:

"Disclosure requirement

… I hereby require you to disclose a key or any supporting information to make information intelligible

the information to which this notice relates is:

the full encryption key in order to access the encrypted volume of the laptop computer that is exhibited as exhibit AM/1 under file path: C:\Documents and Settings\Administrator\My Documents\My Videos, within a file called Ronin.wma. This was found in the room where you were arrested at 386 Abbeydale Road, Sheffield".

7. The reason for the notice was explained, with particulars given of the precise circumstances in which the interests of national security and the prevention or detection of crime were said to arise.

8. The notice then described how

"disclosure can be verbal or written provided the information is sufficient to unlock the encryption, and that the person to whom the notice is given may select which of any relevant keys or combination of keys should be disclosed provided the information is put into intelligible form."

The remaining notices were in identical terms, appropriate to the electronic information identified in them.

9. Neither S nor A complied with the notices. Their position was that the notices which compelled them to disclose the passwords or "keys" to the encrypted computer files were incompatible with the privilege against self-incrimination. Their refusal formed the basis of the counts in the indictment which Judge Stephens was invited to stay on the basis that "the requirement to provide information to the police under Part III of RIPA constituted an impermissible infringement of the …privilege against self-incrimination" and contravened article 6 of the European Convention of Human Rights. In a careful ruling Judge Stephens rejected the applications. Applications for leave to appeal against his decision were referred to the full court by the Registrar of Criminal Appeals. After full argument leave was granted but the appeals dismissed...

20. On analysis, the key which provides access to protected data, like the data itself, exists separately from each appellant's "will". Even if it is true that each created his own key, once created, the key to the data, remains independent of the appellant's "will" even when it is retained only in his memory, at any rate until it is changed. If investigating officers were able to identify the key from a different source (say, for example, from the records of the shop where the equipment was purchased) no one would argue that the key was not distinct from the equipment which was to be accessed, and indeed the individual who owned the equipment and knew the key to it. Again, if the arresting officers had arrived at the premises in Sheffield immediately after S had completed the process of accessing his own equipment enabling them to identify the key, the key itself would have been a piece of information existing, at this point, independently of S himself and would have been immediately available to the police for their use in the investigation. In this sense the key to the computer equipment is no different to the key to a locked drawer. The contents of the drawer exist independently of the suspect: so does the key to it. The contents may or may not be incriminating: the key is neutral. In the present cases the prosecution is in possession of the drawer: it cannot however gain access to the contents. The lock cannot be broken or picked, and the drawer itself cannot be damaged without destroying the contents.

21. As it happens, in the present cases, the only persons who know how to access the data to which access is being sought are the appellants themselves. Assuming, as for present purposes we have, that the computers contain material which may incriminate each appellant, whether by lending weight to the Crown's case against them on the remaining counts in the indictment, or providing a basis for further criminal charges whether contrary to the Terrorism Act or otherwise, disclosure by them of the keys would tend to make material available to the prosecution which would incriminate them. Non-disclosure would altogether prevent the incriminating material from coming to light. In short, the notice issued under section 49 of RIPA requires the appellants, under threat of criminal proceedings for non-compliance, to speak or write or otherwise convey sufficient information to the police to enable them to access the contents of their computers. The actual answers, that is to say the product of the appellants' minds could not, of themselves, be incriminating. The keys themselves simply open the locked drawer, revealing its contents. In much the same way that a blood or urine sample provided by a car driver is a fact independent of the driver, which may or may not reveal that his alcohol level exceeds the permitted maximum, whether the appellants' computers contain incriminating material or not, the keys to them are and remain an independent fact. If however, as for present purposes we are assuming, they contain incriminating material, the fact of the appellants' knowledge of the keys may itself become an incriminating fact. For example, to know the key to a computer in your possession which contains indecent images of children may itself tend to support the prosecution case that you were knowingly in possession of such material. This was the approach adopted in Re Boucher, a decision of the District Court in Vermont [2007] WL 4246473, where the reasoning acknowledged that some "acts of production" such as fingerprints, blood samples or voice recordings would not attract the privilege against self-incrimination.

22. Mr Ryder highlighted the decision of the Grand Chamber of the Court in Jalloh v Germany (2007) 44 EHRR 32 where it was recently asserted that even evidence which may properly be described as "independent of the will of the suspect" which has been obtained by inhuman or degrading treatment may constitute a breach of the entitlement to a fair trial. In this jurisdiction such an issue would be likely to give rise to the exercise of the court's jurisdiction, under section 78 of the Police and Criminal Evidence Act 1984, to refuse to allow evidence to be given by the prosecution when the circumstances in which it was obtained undermined the fairness of the proceedings. In making such a decision, the court would no doubt attend very closely to any circumstances amounting to oppression as defined in section 76 of the 1984 Act, or inhuman or degrading treatment to which the suspect was subjected, and if such circumstances were found, would step in to protect the defendant's entitlement to a fair trial. When an examination of the jurisprudence of the European Court into the principles relating to self-incrimination and the fairness of any subsequent trial is conducted, this common law discretionary power, which long pre-dated its incorporation into statute, should not be minimised.

23. Mr Ryder suggested that the protection provided by section 78 did not arise at this stage in the argument: it could only arise for consideration at trial after the appellant had been forced to incriminate himself. In our judgment, however, as Lord Bingham explained in Brown v Stott, the jurisprudence of the European Court is directed at the overall fairness of the trial and Jalloh should be seen as a decision which maintains the same principle. Evidence obtained by ill-treatment of the kind to which Jalloh was subjected may, and normally would be excluded. That is precisely why the common law rule, now embodied in section 78, exists. In this context, Jalloh is no more than an illustration of precisely the same point.

24. In our judgment the correct analysis is that the privilege against self-incrimination may be engaged by a requirement of disclosure of knowledge of the means of access to protected data under compulsion of law. If Judge Stephens ruling treated this knowledge as identical to the key to it, we respectfully disagree. But where, in the end, would this take the appellants? It is noteworthy that, although the detailed arguments purported to address the means of access to what would otherwise be protected data, the reality is that it is the contents of the equipment containing that data, lawfully in the possession of the police, which the argument is designed to protect from disclosure and possible use in the course of a prosecution, rather than the keys to it. In short, although the appellants' knowledge of the means of access to the data may engage the privilege against self-incrimination, it would only do so if the data itself – which undoubtedly exists independently of the will of the appellants and to which the privilege against self-incrimination does not apply – contains incriminating material. If that data was neutral or innocent, the knowledge of the means of access to it would similarly be either neutral or innocent. On the other hand, if the material were, as we have assumed, incriminatory, it would be open to the trial judge to exclude evidence of the means by which the prosecution gained access to it. Accordingly the extent to which the privilege against self-incrimination may be engaged is indeed very limited.

25. In these appeals the question which arises, if the privilege is engaged at all, is whether the interference with it is proportionate and permissible. A number of issues are clear and stark. The material which really matters is lawfully in the hands of the police. Without the key it is unreadable. That is all. The process of making it readable should not alter it other than putting it into an unencrypted and intelligible form that it was in prior to encryption; the material in the possession of the police will simply be revealed for what it is. To enable the otherwise unreadable to be read is a legitimate objective which deals with a recognised problem of encryption. The key or password is, as we have explained, a fact. It does not constitute an admission of guilt. Only knowledge of it may be incriminating. The purpose of the statute is to regulate the use of encrypted material, and to impose limitations on the circumstances in which it may be used. The requirement for information is based on the interests of national security and the prevention and detection of crime, and is expressly subject to a proportionality test and judicial oversight. In the end the requirement to disclose extends no further than the provision of the key or password or access to the information. No further questions arise. The notice is in very simple form. Procedural safeguards and limitations on the circumstances in which this notice may be served are addressed in a comprehensive structure, and in relation to any subsequent trial, the powers under section 78 of the 1984 Act to exclude evidence in relation, first, to the underlying material, second, the key or means of access to it, and third, an individual defendant's knowledge of the key or means of access, remain. Neither the process, nor any subsequent trial can realistically be stigmatised as unfair.

26. In these circumstances we can find no basis for interfering with Judge Stephens' indication of how he would have exercised his discretion if, contrary to his view, an issue of self-incrimination arose. In the circumstances of this particular case his conclusion was obviously correct. Furthermore, by way of emphasis, we can see no possible ground for a successful application that the prosecution under section 53 of RIPA should be stopped as an abuse of process.

27. By way of footnote: if the self-incrimination argument was taken as a matter of principle on the basis of legal advice to the appellants, and they choose, now, to disclose the relevant key, although long out of time, we suspect that the prosecution would be disinclined to proceed with the appropriate counts in the indictment, or if they chose to do so, that the judge would take a merciful view when addressing sentence, at any rate if the protected data turned out to be innocent or simply neutral. "

There are all kinds of interesting questions triggered by the judgment. I wonder, for example, why the court felt the need to mount such a robust defence of RIPA itself? (In paragraph 29. they say the act is clear, has all kinds of safeguards and was created precisely to deal with the kind of circumstances that arose in this case). It will be interesting also to see if the appellants now agree to hand over the keys or suffer the consequences - up to 5 years in prison.

Update: Spyblog makes an important point about the case in the light of s58 of the Terrorism Act 2000.

"The Court of Appeal takes the view that simply handing over your encryption key is not an admission of guilt, and that if the de-crypted material is innocent, then you have nothing to fear.

If the encrypted material was something which was hard to misinterpret e.g. a simple financial transaction, we might agree,

However, we disagree, when the encrypted material, as in this case, will be potentially misinterpreted according to the subjective interpretation and prejudices of police officers and prosecutors, in this case under the "thought crime" Terrorism Act 2000 section 58 collection of information which has the catch all wording:

(a) he collects or makes a record of information of a kind likely to be useful to a person committing or preparing an act of terrorism,

This also goes for any encrypted data which may or may not be considered "obscene" in the opinion of a particular police constable."

Quality v originality?

Some recent favorite xkcds:




I love the flow chart that gets to the heart of drm and anti-circumvention laws and must remember to use something similar in my next IP talk!

http://xkcd.com/483/

http://xkcd.com/488/

http://xkcd.com/196/

McCain changes course

According to today's Times, John McCain is having trouble keeping some of the more extreme elements of his support under control and may be regretting choosing Sarah Palin rather than Joe Lieberman as a running mate.

"Mr McCain has been forced to appeal for calm, rebuking a man who said he was afraid of raising his child under Mr Obama. The Republican nominee said to boos from a crowd on Friday: “I have to tell you he is a decent person and a person that you do not have to be scared of as president.” He snatched the microphone later from a woman who suggested Mr Obama was an Arab...

On Saturday the civil rights leader and congressman John Lewis likened the atmosphere at Republican rallies to those of George Wallace, the segregationist former presidential candidate, saying: “Senator McCain and Governor Palin are sowing the seeds of hatred and division.” Mr McCain responded by expressing sadness that “a man I've always admired would make such a brazen and baseless attack”.

At a weekend event in Iowa, Mr McCain's campaign swiftly repudiated a pastor who introduced him with the claim that millions of foreigners were praying to “Hindu, Buddha, Allah — that his opponent wins”.

Many Republicans now openly acknowledge that his campaign has been adrift in recent weeks, ill-suited to deal with the economic storms or carry the increasingly heavy baggage of Mrs Palin. An inquiry on Friday concluded that she had abused her powers as Alaska Governor by trying to orchestrate the sacking of a state trooper who was her former brother-in-law."

Government will spy on every call and e-mail

The Sunday Times has caught up with government plans to monitor every phone call and email.

Sunday, October 12, 2008

ORG and NO2ID's picture: freedom not fear

Now this is very clever.

"Thanks to everyone who came along to Parliament Square this morning and made the ORG/No2ID “Big Picture” event such a success. The sun was shining as we constructed a massive 4m x 5m collage of all the photos you’ve been uploading of UK surveillance state ephemera over the past couple of weeks.

"

Pilots' union to seek judicial review of ID cards

From today's Observer:

"Plans to build support for identity cards by introducing them among 'guinea pig' groups, such as airport staff and students, are in crisis after 10,000 airline pilots vowed to take legal action to block them and opposition swept through Britain's universities and councils.

In a move that could wreck the government's strategy for a phased introduction beginning next year, the British Airline Pilots Association (Balpa) said it would seek a judicial review rather than see its members forced to adopt ID cards at a time when pilots are already exhaustively vetted."

Saturday, October 11, 2008

What terrorists really want

Max Abrahms, a doctoral candidate in political science at the University of California, Los Angeles, has written an excellent paper What Terrorists Really Want: Terrorist Motives and Counterterrorism Strategy

"What do terrorists want? No question is more fundamental for devising an effective counterterrorism strategy. The international community cannot expect to make terrorism unprofitable and thus scarce without knowing the incentive structure of its practitioners. The strategic model—the dominant paradigm in terrorism studies—posits that terrorists are political utility maximizers. According to this view, individuals resort to terrorism when the expected political gains minus the expected costs outweigh the net expected benefits of alternative forms of protest. The strategic model has widespread currency in the policy community; extant counterterrorism strategies seek to defeat terrorism by reducing its political utility. The most common strategies are to fight terrorism by decreasing its political benefits via a strict no concessions policy; decreasing its prospective political benefits via appeasement; or decreasing its political benefits relative to nonviolence via democracy promotion. Despite its policy relevance, the strategic model has not been tested. This is the first study to comprehensively assess its empirical validity. The actual record of terrorist behavior does not conform to the strategic model's premise that terrorists are rational actors primarily motivated to achieving political ends. The preponderance of empirical and theoretical evidence is that terrorists are rational people who use terrorism primarily to develop strong affective ties with fellow terrorists. Major revisions in both the dominant paradigm in terrorism studies and the policy community's basic approach to fighting terrorism are consequently in order...

Demand-side strategies should focus on divesting terrorism's social utility, in two ways. First, it is vital to drive a wedge between organization members. Since the advent of modern terrorism in the late 1960s, the sole counter-terrorism strategy that was a clear-cut success attacked the social bonds of the terrorist organization, not its utility as a political instrument. By commuting prison sentences in the early 1980s in exchange for actionable intelligence against their fellow Brigatisti, the Italian government infiltrated the Red Brigades, bred mistrust and resentment among the members, and quickly rolled up the organization. Similar deals should be cut with al-Qaida in cases where detainees' prior involvement in terrorism and their likelihood of rejoining the underground are minor. Greater investment in developing and seeding double agents will also go a long way toward weakening the social ties undergirding terrorist organizations and cells around the world. Second, counter-terrorism strategies must reduce the demand for at-risk populations to turn to terrorist organizations in the first place. To lessen Muslims' sense of alienation from democratic societies, these societies must improve their records of cracking down on bigotry, supporting hate-crime legislation, and most crucially, encouraging moderate places of worship—an important alternative for dislocated youth to develop strong affective ties with politically moderate peers and mentors."

Makes a lot of sense. The full paper is here. Thanks to Ian Brown and Bruce Schneier for the pointer. Schneier says:

"This kind of analysis isn't just theoretical; it has practical
implications for counterterrorism. Not only can we now better understand
who is likely to become a terrorist, we can engage in strategies
specifically designed to weaken the social bonds within terrorist
organizations. Driving a wedge between group members -- commuting prison
sentences in exchange for actionable intelligence, planting more double
agents within terrorist groups -- will go a long way to weakening the
social bonds within those groups.

We also need to pay more attention to the socially marginalized than to
the politically downtrodden, like unassimilated communities in Western
countries. We need to support vibrant, benign communities and
organizations as alternative ways for potential terrorists to get the
social cohesion they need. And finally, we need to minimize collateral
damage in our counterterrorism operations, as well as clamping down on
bigotry and hate crimes, which just creates more dislocation and social
isolation, and the inevitable calls for revenge."

Friday, October 10, 2008

Bird and Fortune on the financial markets

Last year John Bird and John Fortune did one of their brilliant skits for the South Bank Show, talking about the financial markets. Spot on the money, if you'll forgive the pun, given the meltdown of recent weeks.



The liberty voice has a transcript.

Thursday, October 09, 2008

TelePresence

Fernando has some interesting thoughts on Cisco's Telepresence technology.

"The technology seems quite amazing and gives users the opportunity to carry out meeting that seem real while the participants are scattered around the globe... The idea is that big companies, that can afford it, will buy the whole system (hardware and software) while smaller ones will either lease it or pay per use in dedicated TelePresence centres, and here is where things get complicated...

The first and most obvious issue related to data protection, privacy and security. Will the provider of the service put in place the technological and legal safeguards to make sure that only the participants of the meeting have access to the data that the meeting generates? Will the company paying for the services have access to such a data? If that is the case and some of the participants are in England, will the company have to inform the meeting participants about such monitoring and data retention as requested by RIPA 2000? Just a general notification or one each time that a meeting starts?
It seems unlikely that companies using the service as lessee or on pay per use basis would accept the owner of the system to monitor the meeting and/or retain the data resulting from it, but it the provider of the service does not do so and the system is used for illegal purposes, would the provider be liable? While the answer seems to be no, we are facing a very strong attack against third party’s immunity, which may end in making intermediaries liable for almost anything that happens in their systems.
Other important issue relates to the differences between the need of a warrant to bug a real-life meeting and the potentially easier access that the authorities would have to tap into electronic communications (without mentioning the possibilities of hacking)..."

Piracy Statistics and the Importance of Journalistic Skepticism

Timothy B. Lee has been explaining at Freedom to Tinker why journalistic skepticism is important when considering piracy statistics. It's worth reading in full:

" If you've paid attention to copyright debates in recent years, you've probably seen advocates for more restrictive copyright laws claim that "counterfeiting and piracy" cost the US economy as much as $250 billion. When pressed, those who make these kinds of claims are inevitably vague about exactly where these figures come from. For example, I contacted Thomas Sydnor, the author of the paper I linked above, and he was able to point me to a 2002 press release from the FBI, which claims that "losses to counterfeiting are estimated at $200-250 billion a year in U.S. business losses."

There are a couple of things that are notable about this. In the first place, notice that the press release says counterfeiting, which is an entirely different issue from copyright infringement. Passing stronger copyright legislation in order to stop counterfeiting is a non-sequitur.

But the more serious issue is that the FBI can't actually explain how it arrived at these figures. And indeed, it appears that nobody knows who came up with these figures and how they were computed. Julian Sanchez has done some sleuthing and found that these figures have literally been floating around inside the beltway for decades. Julian contacted the FBI, which wasn't able to point to any specific source. Further investigation led him to a 1993 Forbes article:

Ars eagerly hunted down that issue and found a short article on counterfeiting, in which the reader is informed that "counterfeit merchandise" is "a $200 billion enterprise worldwide and growing faster than many of the industries it's preying on." No further source is given.

Quite possibly, the authors of the article called up an industry group like the IACC and got a ballpark guess. At any rate, there is nothing to indicate that Forbes itself had produced the estimate, Mr. Conyers' assertion notwithstanding. What is very clear, however, is that even assuming the figure is accurate, it is not an estimate of the cost to the U.S. economy of IP piracy. It's an estimate of the size of the entire global market in counterfeit goods. Despite the efforts of several witnesses to equate them, it is plainly not on par with the earlier calculation by the ITC that many had also cited.

It's not surprising that no one is able to cite a credible source because the figure is plainly absurd. For example, the Institute for Policy Innovation, a group that pushes for more restrictive copyright law, has claimed that copyright infringement costs the economy $58.0 billion. As I've written before, these estimates vastly overstate losses because IPI used a dubious methodology that double- and triple-counts each lost sale. The actual figure—even accepting some of the dubious assumptions in the IPI estimate, is almost certainly less than $20 billion. But whether it's $10, $20, or $58 billion, it's certainly not $250 billion.

There are a couple of important lessons here. One concerns the importance of careful scholarship. Before citing any statistic, you should have a clear understanding of what that figure is measuring, who calculated it, and how. The fact that this figure has gotten repeated so many times inside the beltway suggests that the people using the figure have not been doing their homework. It's not surprising that lobbyists cite the largest figures they can find, but public servants have a duty to be more skeptical.

The more important lesson is for the journalistic profession. Far too many reporters at reputable media outlets credulously repeat these figures in news stories without paying enough attention to where they come from. If a statistic is provided by a party with a vested interest in the subject of a story—if, say, a content industry group provides a statistic on the costs of piracy—reporters should double-check that figure against more reputable sources. And, sadly, a government agency isn't always a reliable source. Agencies like the BLS and BEA who are in the business of collecting official statistics are generally reliable. But it's not safe to assume that other agencies have done their homework. The FBI, for example, has made little effort to correct the record on the $250 billion figure, despite the fact that it is regularly cited as the source of the figure and despite the fact that it has admitted that it can't explain where the figure comes from.

Julian gives all the gory details on the origins of the $250 billion figure. He also digs into the oft-repeated claim that piracy costs 750,000 jobs, which dates back even further (to 1986) and is no more credible. And he offers some interesting theoretical reasons to think that the costs of copyright infringement are much, much less than $250 billion."

Protecting Individual Privacy in the Struggle Against Terrorists: A Framework for Assessment

The National Research Council in the US has just published an important report,
Protecting Individual Privacy in the Struggle Against Terrorists: A Framework for Assessment They conclude:

Thanks to Caspar Bowden for the pointer and sorry about the formatting. Here's the NYT's take on it.

EU reject three strikes approach with amendments to Telecoms package

From the excellent EDRI newsletter:

"The European Parliament voted the Telecoms Package
8 October, 2008
»

The Package of rules governing the Internet and telecoms sectors proposed by the European Commission in view of supporting competition and providing clearer information and a wider range of services to consumers was approved by the European Parliament on 24 September 2008, in the first reading. The measures that would have allowed a control on Internet users were rejected.

The package including four legislative proposals was proposed on 13 November 2007 and had in view the establishment of a new EU telecoms authority, the introduction of functional separation in order to boost competition, a review of radio-spectrum management and a range of consumer protection measures.

Following a strong pressure from the consumers, privacy groups and telecoms industry, the MEPs rejected the idea that ISPs should filter all downloads and punish the infringers of anti-piracy rules, being thus transformed into a sort of online police.

The key amendments in this respect were Amendment 166 to the Harbour report and Amendment 138 to the Trautmann report, both adopted by the EP. "They state that users' access may not be restricted in any way that infringes their fundamental rights, and (166) that any sanctions should be proportionate and (138) require a court order. They both reinforce the principle established on April 9th in the Bono report, that the Parliament is against cutting off people's Internet access as a sanction for copyright infringement. Cutting off Internet access was not explicitly in the Telecoms Package, but it did open the door to 3-strikes. These amendments close that door." as Monica Horten correctly points out.

The EP decided that personal data processing should not require the user's prior consent. Also, there was no clear decision on the issue of whether IP addresses should be considered as personal data.

However, the EP approved the application of a prior consent clause to software such as cookies, which are installed in the users' computers and which provide information on their behaviour to the companies having created them, such as search engines. Another amendment requires the telecom companies to inform the national telecom regulators if they suffered serious data security breaches, that might affect their users' privacy.

The Parliament's vote was welcomed by most interested parties being considered as a good step in the direction of privacy, the protection of personal data, and principles of proportionality and separation of powers.

The European consumers organisation, BEUC stated: "Today MEPs voted to reinforce consumer rights and competition in telecoms markets across Europe. We hope the Council will follow the same line towards improving and facilitating consumers' daily lives. Many consumers still suffer from problems with their telecom providers: from complicated information to very long-term contracts, not to mention difficulties in switching. Concretely, thanks to today's move, consumers could benefit from more transparent information about tariffs and conditions of contracts."

La Quadrature du Net, the group of citizens acting for individual rights and freedoms and supported by French as well as international NGOs, wanted to thank "all MEPs who have worked in this direction, and all citizens who mobilized en masse to alert their delegates on these issues. We'd like to thank particularly the MEPs who have been able to reconsider their positions as they became aware of the risks to the rights and freedoms of their fellow-citizens." However, the body still warns on some issues of concern particularly that of the danger that the adopted Amendment 138 may be withdrawn. Amendment 138 states that no restriction on the rights and freedoms of end users can be taken without prior decision of the judicial authority, only in cases when public safety is concerned.

There is strong support for the adoption of the telecoms package by the end of the mandate of the present Parliament, at the middle of 2009. The next step in this issue will be the next Telecoms Council which is planned for the end of November.

Parliament backs major telecoms, Internet overhaul (25.09.2008)
http://www.euractiv.com/en/infosociety/parliament-backs-major-telecoms...

MEPs back altered telecoms reform (25.09.2008)
http://www.out-law.com/page-9456

European Parliament votes against 3-strikes (24.09.2008)
http://www.iptegrity.com/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&am...

Telecoms Package : European democracy's victory already threatened (26.09.2008)
http://www.laquadrature.net/en/telecoms-package-european-democracys-vi...

EDRIgram: The telecom package debated by the European Parliament (10.09.2008)
http://www.edri.org/edrigram/number6.17/telecom-package-debated"

And:

"Sarkozy snubbed by Barroso in the three strikes approach
8 October, 2008
»

Barroso, President of the European Commission has refused French President Sarkozy's request to withdraw Amendment 138 included in the Telecoms Package recently voted by the European Parliament.

Amendment 138 which basically reinstates the legal issue of the freedom to communicate of Internet users, reaffirming that only threats to public security can justify the restriction to the free circulation of information on the Internet without a court decision, was voted with a large majority by the MEPs, fact which largely displeased EU French presidency who has continuously pushed and pressed for the application of the three strike approach introduced by its "Création et Internet" draft bill.

Sarkozy sent a letter to Barroso asking for the withdrawal of the amendment which would force France to give up its draft law. If the Commission does not reject the amendment, France would be in the position to obtain the refusal of the entire Telecoms Package which would practically be impossible. Therefore, Sarkozy is trying to obtain the withdrawal of the amendment by the Council of Ministers during the meeting scheduled for 27 November, before the second reading of the European Parliament that will take place during the first term of 2009. "Sarkozy tries to force his way through in Council, and his close staff does not hide that they want to subsequently outstrip the European Parliament by having the French bill adopted in emergency procedure before the second reading on the Telecoms Package" says La Quadrature du Net.

But Mr. Barroso, president of the EC sent a non-receipt denial by reminding the French President that the amendment was voted with 573 pro votes against 74 and stating that the EC will "respect this democratic decision of the European Parliament" adding that the "amendment is a significant reminder of the legal principles that are inherent keys to the legal order of the European Union, especially as regards the citizens' fundamental rights".

The position was stranghtned by the European Commission spokesman for information society issues, Martin Selmayr that said: "The European Commission respects this democratic decision of the European Parliament. In our opinion this amendment is an important re-affirmation of the basic principles of the rule of law in the EU, in particular the fundamental rights of its citizens."

The European Commission has therefore accepted the amendment thus forcing France to accept the report. The Commission has invited France to discuss the issue at the Council of Ministers meeting where an agreement has to be reached between the Council and the EP in order to pass the Telecoms Package. As the Commission has no legislative power it can only act as negotiator between the two bodies. If France goes on with its plans to present its Creation et Internet draft law on 18 November, it might be under violation of a European provision in progress of being adopted.

"The French President seems to have too soon forgotten how the European Union institutions work by pretending to ignore the co-decision principle" stated MEP Guy Bono, co-author of the amendment.

On the other hand, the British Government which in July seemed ready to pursue a gradual response approach for p2p users now denies any such attempt. The British Prime Minister stated in a response to a petition asking him not to force ISPs to spy on their users for the purpose of monitoring copyrighted content. "Unfortunately, much of the media reports around this issue have been incorrect. There are no proposals to make ISPs liable for the content that travels across their networks. Nor are there proposals for ISPs to monitor customer activity for illegal downloading, or to enforce a '3 strikes' policy."

Letter from Sarkozy to Barrosso (only in French)
http://www.ecrans.fr/IMG/pdf/Lettre_Barroso.pdf

President Sarkozy requires the withdrawal of Amendment 138 (only in French, 4.10.2008)
http://www.numerama.com/magazine/10783-President-de-l-UE-Sarkozy-exige...

Gradual response: Barroso said no to Nicolas Sarkozy (only in French, 6.10.2008) http://www.numerama.com/magazine/10791-URGENT-Riposte-Graduee-Barroso-...

UK Prime Minister Denies Three Strikes Proposal... After Europe Tossed It (5.10.2008)
http://www.zeropaid.com/news/9791/UK+Prime+Minister+Denies+Three+Strik...

Graduated response: Europe must resist Sarkozy's authoritarianism (6.10.2008)
http://www.laquadrature.net/en/graduated-reponse-europe-must-resist-sa...

Graduated Response : The Lesson (7.10.2008)
http://www.laquadrature.net/en/graduated-response-lesson

EDRIgram: French law on 'graduate response' opposed by ISOC Europe (10.09.2008)
http://www.edri.org/edrigram/number6.17/3strikes-opposed-isoc-europe"

Lebanese group to sue Israel copyright infringement of food

The latest in the long line of strange but true IP stories is that a Lebanese group is reportedly going to sue Israel for violating their "food copyright"

"Along the same lines as various regions in France declaring that only they can sell "Champagne" or Greece being the only one allowed to offer "feta," a group in Lebanon is claiming that various popular middle eastern foods such as hummus, falafel, tabouleh and baba gannouj are property of Lebanon and Lebanon alone. In fact, the group is planning to sue Israel for "stealing" its food. They're actually claiming that this could be a violation of a "food copyright" (something that doesn't actually exist)."

Cory to leave database nation UK

Cory Doctorow is considering leaving the UK because of governmental obsession with building a techno-panopticon society. He says:

"My grandparents escaped the Soviet Union to get away from state prying. Now it looks like I'll be leaving the UK for the same reason

When I moved from my native Canada to the UK in 2003, I thought it was ironic that the Doctorows had returned to Europe. My father was born to Polish-Russian parents in a refugee camp in Azerbaijan just before the second world war ended. My grandparents – deserting Red Army conscriptees – destroyed their documents and became, in the parlance of the day, Displaced People.

When the war ended, they went west again, but when they reached Russia, they kept going. When they reached Poland, they kept going. They moved with the great refugee herd into Germany, to a camp near Hamburg (where my aunt was born), before boarding a refugee boat and sailing to the port of Halifax, where an immigration official truncated their names – Doctorowicz became Doctorow – and gave them a train ticket to Toronto, where my great-uncle Max and his family lived.

My grandmother is still alive, and sharp as a tack. I asked her recently why they didn't stay in the Soviet Union. Despite her aversion to military service, she was a war hero. She had gone through her adolescence as a civil defence worker during the hard years of the Siege of Leningrad, digging trenches and hauling bodies as a girl of 12, until she was evacuated to Siberia at the age of 15. Her family still lived in Leningrad – mother, father, baby brother. Leningrad is a majestic city, cosmopolitan and vibrant, even with the war scars on its face. In Toronto she knew no one, didn't speak the language. Her years as a refugee would stretch out for decades until she could truly consider herself a Canadian.

I asked her why she didn't stay, and she shook her head like I'd asked the stupidest possible question. "It was the Soviet Union", she said. She waved her hand, groped for the answer. "Papers," she said, finally. "We had to carry papers. The police could stop you at any time and make you turn over your papers." The floodgates opened. They spied on you. They made you spy on each other. Your grandfather wouldn't have been allowed to stay – he was Polish, they wouldn't let him stay with the family in Russia, he'd have to go back to Poland...

A few years later, I was living with my partner, and had fathered a British daughter (when I mentioned this to a UK immigration official at Heathrow, he sneeringly called her "half a British citizen"). We were planning a giant family wedding in Toronto when the news came down: the Home Secretary had unilaterally, on 24 hours' notice, changed the rules for highly skilled migrants to require a university degree...

My partner and I scrambled. We got married. We applied for a spousal visa. A few weeks later, I presented myself in Croydon at the Home Office immigration centre to turn over my biometrics and have a visa glued into my Canadian passport. I got two years' breathing room. My family could stay in Britain.

Then came last week's announcement: effective immediately, spousal visa holders (and foreign students) would be issued mandatory, biometric radio-frequency ID papers that we will have to carry at all times. And I started to look over my shoulder...

Now, we immigrants are to be the beta testers for Britain's sleepwalk into the surveillance society. We will have to carry internal passports and the press will say, "If you don't like it, you don't have to live here – it's unseemly for a guest to complain about the terms of the hospitality." But this beta test is not intended to stop with immigrants. Government freely admits that immigrants are only the first stage of a universal rollout of mandatory biometric RFID identity cards. What happens to us now will happen to you, next.

Not me, though. If the government of the day when I renew my visa in 2010 requires that I carry these papers as a condition of residence, the Doctorows will again leave their country and find a freer one. My wife – born here, raised here, with family here – is with me. We won't raise our British daughter in the database nation. It's not safe."

It's a really powerful essay and should be read and inwardly digested in full

Palin email hack indictment

Orin Kerr wonders if the Palin email hack indictment, against the son of a Tennessee Democratic politician, is legally flawed?

"Here's the indictment. And here's the potential problem with the indictment. In order to charge the case as a felony rather than a misdemeanor, the government needed to claim that the intrusion was committed to further criminal or tortious activity. The statute, 18 U.S.C. 1030, states that the intrusion is a felony if the intrusion "was committed in furtherance of any criminal or tortious act in violation of the Constitution or laws of the United States or of any State."

Oddly, though, the indictment doesn't exactly state what the crime or tort is that the intrusion was designed to further. It just states that the intrusion was "in furtherance of the commission of a criminal act in violation of the laws of the United States, including 18 U.S.C. Section 2701 and 18 U.S.C. Section lO30(a)(2)" But Section 2701 and Section 1030 are the intrusion statutes themselves! It makes no sense to allow a felony enhancement for a crime committed in furtherance of the crime itself; presumably the enhancement is only for intrusions committed in furtherance of some other crime. Otherwise the felony enhancement is meaningless, as every misdemeanor becomes a felony.

I'm not sure if the indictment is facially defective based on that. It might be, because it effectively doesn't say what crime the government is charging (in that the the government must show the unauthorized access and also the crime that the access is in furtherance of -- if you're the defendant, how to you defend yourself against an unnamed crime?). But if the government is trying to make this a felony on the theory that the intrusion was designed to further the crime of the intrusion, that strikes me as an extremely weak argument."

What's the betting that if this one gets thrown out by a judge due to the paperwork stretching a point ("the defendant looked at the email in order to... er... look at the email your honour"), that the prosecutors will 'find' a criminal or tortious activity that the teenager intended when considering putting their paperwork together for a second prosecution?

Tuesday, October 07, 2008

ACLU safe and free

I was reminded earlier today of the ACLU's safe and free surveillance campaign. Given the UK government's attraction to gauranteed-to-fail large IT projects, it's worth periodically taking the time to view the short video they produced to help with that campaign.