Tuesday, September 24, 2013

Brazilian President attacks US Mass Surveillance

The Brazilian President, H.E. Dilma Rousseff, has used her opening address at the General Debate of the 68th Session of the UN General Assembly to criticise the mass surveillance activities exposed by Edward Snowden.
"I would like to bring to the consideration of delegations a matter of great importance and gravity.
Recent revelations concerning the activities of a global network of electronic espionage have caused indignation and repudiation in public opinion around the world.
In Brazil, the situation was even more serious, as it emerged that we were targeted by this intrusion. Personal data of citizens was intercepted indiscriminately. Corporate information often of high economic and even strategic value - was at the center of espionage activity. Also, Brazilian diplomatic missions, among them the Permanent Mission to the United Nations and the Office of the President of the Republic itself, had their communications intercepted.
Tampering in such a manner in the affairs of other countries is a breach of International Law and is an affront to the principles that must guide the relations among them, especially among friendly nations. A sovereign nation can never establish itself to the detriment of another sovereign nation. The right to safety of citizens of one country can never be guaranteed by violating fundamental human rights of citizens of another country.
The arguments that the illegal interception of information and data aims at protecting nations against terrorism cannot be sustained.
Brazil, Mr. President, knows how to protect itself. We reject, fight and do not harbor terrorist groups.
We are a democratic country surrounded by nations that are democratic, pacific and respectful of International Law. We have lived in peace with our neighbors for more than 140 years.
As many other Latin Americans, I fought against authoritarianism and censorship, and I cannot but defend, in an uncompromising fashion, the right to privacy of individuals and the sovereignty of my country. In the absence of the right to privacy, there can be no true freedom of expression and opinion, and therefore no effective democracy. In the absence of the respect for sovereignty, there is no basis for the relationship among Nations.
We face, Mr. President, a situation of grave violation of human rights and of civil liberties; of invasion and capture of confidential information concerning corporate activities, and especially of disrespect to national sovereignty.
We expressed to the Government of the United States our disapproval, and demanded explanations, apologies and guarantees that such procedures will never be repeated.
Friendly governments and societies that seek to build a true strategic partnership, as in our case, cannot allow recurring illegal actions to take place as if they were normal. They are unacceptable.
Brazil, Mr. President, will redouble its efforts to adopt legislation, technologies and mechanisms to protect us from the illegal interception of communications and data.
My Government will do everything within its reach to defend the human rights of all Brazilians and to protect the fruits borne from the ingenuity of our workers and our companies.
The problem, however, goes beyond a bilateral relationship. It affects the international community itself and demands a response from it. Information and telecommunication technologies cannot be the new battlefield between States. Time is ripe to create the conditions to prevent cyberspace from being used as a weapon of war, through espionage, sabotage, and attacks against systems and infrastructure of other countries.
The United Nations must play a leading role in the effort to regulate the conduct of States with regard to these technologies.
For this reason, Brazil will present proposals for the establishment of a civilian multilateral framework for the governance and use of the Internet and to ensure the effective protection of data that travels through the web.
We need to create multilateral mechanisms for the worldwide network that are capable of ensuring principles such as:
1 - Freedom of expression, privacy of the individual and respect for human rights.
2 - Open, multilateral and democratic governance, carried out with transparency by stimulating collective creativity and the participation of society, Governments and the private sector.
3 - Universality that ensures the social and human development and the construction of inclusive and non-discriminatory societies.
4 - Cultural diversity, without the imposition of beliefs, customs and values. 5 - Neutrality of the network, guided only by technical and ethical criteria, rendering it inadmissible to restrict it for political, commercial, religious or any other purposes.
Harnessing the full potential of the Internet requires, therefore, responsible regulation, which ensures at the same time freedom of expression, security and respect for human rights"
That's quite a critique -

Dear UN, the US has been engaged in illegal mass surveillance - a grave violation of human rights - industrial espionage and unconscionable political spying, generally behaving in ways likely to lead to us descending into uncontrolled cyberwarfare. I suggest you sort it out.

Interesting also that President Rousseff's address should be made in parallel with Caspar Bowden presenting his findings on the impact of the NSA surveillance on the fundamental rights of EU citizens to the European Parliament. More on the latter when I get the time in the next few days. It is absolutely essential reading for anyone with a serious interest in the Snowden affair.

Tuesday, August 27, 2013

Brief incomplete stocktake on Snowden leaks issues

Whatever stance you take on Edward Snowden's actions and motives, the Guardian's dogged reporting of his leaks has revealed -
  • government security services with the aid of large commercial organisations engage in mass surveillance - collecting, processing and storing the personal data - of that large proportion of the population using and/or visible to communications networks
  • UK government - with echoes of the Spanish Inquisition's, Nazi Germany's and Mao Zedong's book burning - is prepared to be responsible for the physical destruction of mainstream press equipment 
  • UK government is prepared to threaten the press with D notices and prior restraint through the courts
  • the fourth estate - mainstream broadcasters and press - in the UK has largely been content to ignore or marginalise Guardian revelations, allowing that publication to plow an isolated furrow on the Snowden affair until a journalist's partner, David Miranda (what an appropriate name), got detained for 9 hours at Heathrow and relieved of his electronic kit under Schedule 7 of the Terrorism Act 2000
  • US government via NSA reportedly route significant funds ($100 million) to UK government intelligence service GCHQ 
  • UK's GCHQ appreciate their "light oversight regime compared to the US"  
  • UK spied on G20 London summit attendees in 2009
  • US intelligence chief James Clapper lied (responded in the "least untruthful manner") to Congress about the extent of NSA surveillance
  • the secret US FISA Court's ability to oversee US spy agencies is very limited
  • the NSA have rules for circumventing democratic oversight
  • politicians who have long since lost sight of the boundaries between right and wrong, are all too willing to demonise the messengers and trot out poisonous soundbites - the innocent have nothing to fear; our critics comfort/support our enemies/terrorists; government's first duty is to protect the public; be afraid but give us the power and we'll protect you; move on there's nothing to see; ...national security...; trust us we're acting within the law - to defend the indefensible and sate their ambitions
  • the Secretary General of the Council of Europe, Thorbjørn Jagland, was sufficiently concerned to write to the UK Home Secretary about Mr Miranda's detention and the destruction of the Guardian's computers
  • the information consuming public take an essentially soporific attitude to all this 
The stories have raised fundamental questions of public interest (even if, in our world of short attention spans, the public is only superficially and transitionally interested, if at all) about -
  • security (no top secret can be secure if a million or more people have access to it as a routine part of their jobs)
  • privacy (you have none on the internet)
  • anonymity (again you have none on the internet)
  • free speech (when does a whistleblower become a traitor?; why and how is is ok to smash up a computer in the offices of the Guardian in the UK in 2013?)
  • management and oversight of the police, intelligence and security services (what are the political, legal, environmental, societal, economic, technical and architectural checks and balances, if any and are they fit for purpose?)
  • the size, power and reach of the security/intelligence/surveillance/anti-terror industrial complex
  • secret courts (FISA, FISAAA 2008; the UK now has its own secret courts courtesy of the Justice and Security Act 2013 which came into force in June)
  • circumvention of human rights laws and constitutional protections (Prism, Tempora, XKeyscore, GCHQ-NSA data sharing?)
  • dangerous normalisation of activities that would have horrified earlier generations and been condemned as the actions & infrastructure of a despotic police state if connected with the Soviet Union, East Germany, China et al

Monday, July 01, 2013

State & corporate interests aligned on mass surveillance

Lucian Hudson, the Open University's Director of Communications and a former senior civil servant in both the Foreign Office and the Justice Department, posted some interesting thoughts on the Snowden PRISM revelations recently, suggesting we ourselves pose the biggest threat to liberty. I've responded in comments on Lucian's blog but include a copy here for posterity.

Lucian,

Whilst agreeing with your broad theme – on disproportionate societal fear, the consequent attraction of simplistic paternalistic securocratic governance and our undermining of fundamental liberties through e.g. trading privacy for convenience with modern communications technologies – I don’t completely subscribe to the notion that the biggest threat to liberty is ourselves.

At the moment a bigger issue is that the interests of the state and corporate establishments happen to be aligned in relation to big data. The collection and processing of personal data is [wrongly] perceived to be a silver bullet route to solving a range of political issues in the case of the state (e.g. terrorism as you mention) and to financial success in the markets in the case of the private sector. Simplistic and ill-informed though these mindsets are – computers do not magically solve complex political, social, economic, environmental, security or market problems just by chucking money at them or by making them bigger/faster or capable of collecting & processing more data – they fundamentally undermine privacy/liberty interests of the individual.

Whilst the state is subject to significantly tighter formal checks and balances than the private sector in relation to mass surveillance – the rule of law theoretically precludes the engagement in indiscriminate fishing expeditions in the hope of finding smoking gun evidence – the arguments rolled out by politicians, under the pressure of the modern 24/7 news cycle, relay a persuasive if misleading message to the contrary on preferred policy. We can, it is said, have liberty OR security; security OR privacy; or in more subtle form, we have to BALANCE privacy and security. This is a false dichotomy. As you rightly point out, security and liberty are mutually dependant not opposing forces.

Additionally we have the powerful but false and, frankly, poisonous ‘nothing to hide, nothing to fear’ meme repeated by William Hague and others in response to the PRISM revelations recently. When you cast the apparently small privacy need of the individual against the national security gain of the state which will seemingly benefit society as a whole, it is impossible to argue the needs of the individual outweigh the common good.

The ‘nothing to hide…’ argument, however, is based on two huge and erroneous foundations.

The first is that it assumes all privacy is only about hiding bad things. Yet without personal privacy/liberty our society would be suffocating – privacy, liberty and the common good are inextricably interlinked and mutually dependent.

The second is that decimating privacy is the solution to the problem du jour – security, terrorism, serious crime, benefit fraud, NHS patient care etc. It’s possible to prove this thesis wrong mathematically but for the present purposes think of terrorist detection as a needle in a haystack problem. You don’t make it easier to find the needle by throwing more electronic data hay on the stack. Mass data collectors can dig deeply into the digital persona of anyone but don’t have the resources to do so with everyone. The resultant pursuit of false positive leads mean the real bad guys often get lost in the noise, as happened with the 9/11 attackers who were known to US authorities but not considered sufficiently important to intercept.

There is no magic computer solution to the rare terrorism problem.

Don’t get me wrong. Law enforcement and security services need to be able to move with the times, use modern digital technologies intelligently in their work and through targeted data preservation regimes – not a mass surveillance regime – engage in technological surveillance of individuals about whom they have reasonable cause to harbor suspicion. That is not, however, the same as building an infrastructure of mass surveillance.

This brings us back to the current alignment of state and corporate interests in relation to the architectures of our digital communications technologies. We could architect systems that enhance privacy and facilitate anonymity and net neutrality. We don’t.

The organisations that construct and operate these technologies have no market or regulatory incentives to build or run them this way. We, I agree, contribute enormously to this state of affairs by trading our privacy for the convenience/ attraction/gratification/access/community/conformity of the services that we use on the internet. We additionally contribute by failing to engage in a meaningful and persuasive way in the public debate on these issues. Our much maligned politicians are busy generalists subject to the constant glare of the media spotlight who really do not understand the technology and we have to be better at explaining it to them.

The state, likewise, has no incentive either to direct its vast purchasing power towards or to pass regulations to require the building and operation of liberty respecting network architectures. [Neither, in relation to regulations, has it got the required understanding of the technology to do so.] The state establishment, at the highest levels of its requisite parts, has largely bought into the belief that big data is good and their unfettered access to it even better.

We have to be more active/persuasive/engaged as individuals, citizens, employees, consumers or prosumers in convincing ourselves, our organisations, communities, society, the market and the state that an infrastructure of mass surveillance is not conducive to the public good. As long as the most powerful actors in this calculus, however, the state and the corporate sector, continue to share the belief that the continued building and operation of such an infrastructure of mass surveillance is in their mutual interest, it will be a difficult argument to win.

Regards,

Ray

PS Aside from the Snowden story, on the positive side, if the earlier Bradley Manning Wikileaks leaks revealed anything it was the huge numbers of dedicated US government officials and diplomats working day to day, above and beyond the call of duty, to uphold the values of the US Constitution and Bill of Rights. Having worked yourself at senior level in the civil service, you’ll no doubt be aware of equivalent commitment to democratic values on the part of UK government officials. There are a multitude of similarly dedicated individuals in the the state and corporate establishment across the globe. So it can’t be beyond us to evolve the surveillance state that is the internet of 2013 into something more respecting of democratic values and freedoms.

Monday, June 17, 2013

US Supreme Court confused reasoning on Myriad gene patents

On the 13th of June the US Supreme Court handed down it's decision in the case of Association for Molecular Pathology et al v Myriad Genetics., Inc et al.

A lot of the commentary in the conventional news media has been to the effect that the Supreme Court has banned the patenting of human genes. That's not necessarily so. The Court specifically held:
“A naturally occurring DNA segment is a product of nature and not patent eligible merely because it has been isolated, but cDNA is patent eligible because it is not naturally occurring.”
Myriad Genetics, as is clear from the statement about the case on their website, see the decision largely as a victory in two respects -
  • Firstly although the Court struck down the company's claimed ownership of the naturally occurring DNA segments that are the BRCA1 and BRCA1 genes, they upheld Myriad's patent claims relating to complementary DNA, cDNA. (Note cDNA is called complementary DNA by experts, not 'composite' DNA, the term used by Justice Thomas in the decision). So Myriad has the exclusive right to synthetically create BRCA1&2 cDNA.
  • Secondly, though the case was not reviewing Myriad's method patents – patents relating to the way the company does genetic testing, biotech research and other processes – the company are interpreting some of the remarks of Justice Thomas in Part III of the ruling as re-inforcing all of their method patent claims.
The Association for Moleular Pathology seems equally pleased:
"The decision helps to lay the foundation for continued research and application of diagnosis and treatment of diseases at the molecular level. "AMP applauds the U.S. Supreme Court on their ground breaking, unanimous decision. There is no question that this is a critical and right decision for the future of medicine and science. Biomedical researchers, clinicians, and most importantly patients will see great benefit from this development," said Jennifer L. Hunt, MD, MEd, AMP President."
Which of the two parties has the most right to claim victory only time will tell. What does appear clear is that the reasoning of the Court in striking down the DNA claims and upholding the cDNA claims was effectively unanimous but confused.

Justice Scalia wrote a separate short concurring opinion disassociating himself from Justice Thomas's efforts to explain the science, and implying that doing science was not the business of the Court. He would not put his name to what he did not understand.
"I join the judgment of the Court, and all of its opinion except Part I–A and some portions of the rest of the opinion going into fine details of molecular biology. I am unable to affirm those details on my own knowledge or even my own belief. It suffices for me to affirm, having studied the opinions below and the expert briefs presented here, that the portion of DNA isolated from its natural state sought to be patented is identical to that portion of the DNA in its natural state; and that complementary DNA (cDNA) is a synthetic creation not normally present in nature."
The fact that the Court has decided that a naturally occurring  DNA segment is not patentable is clear. The attempted logic they use to get from there to the patentability of cDNA is flawed. Justice Thomas goes to great pains to emphasise that the Myriad patents under review are information patents not chemistry patents (see p14):
...extensive effort alone is insufficient to satisfy the demands of §101. Nor are Myriad’s claims saved by the fact that isolating DNA from the human genome severs chemical bonds and thereby creates a nonnaturally occurring molecule. Myriad’s claims are simply not expressed in terms of chemical composition, nor do they rely in any way on the chemical changes that result from the isolation of a particular section of DNA. Instead, the claims understandably focus on the genetic information encoded in the BRCA1 andBRCA2 genes"
Merely doing chemistry and breaking a chunk of gene out of a DNA chain is not enough to grab ownership of that gene. That makes sense. We shouldn't be allowed to cut up products of nature and say we now own the offcuts.

DNA chains have useful functional sequences of crossbars called exons and less useful sequences called introns.

DNA exons introns

On the route from DNA -
  • to RNA where the DNA unwinds into single strands from the original double helix 
  • to the removal of the useless introns
  • to mRNA where the exons spliced back together in their original sequence
  • then on to the production amino acids and proteins in cells
the naturally occurring information content of the DNA does not change. So breaking down BRCA1&2 genes, stripping out the introns and putting the genes back together as cDNA without the introns does not change the information content of the genes. So if the DNA is not patentable the equivalent cDNA cannot be patentable, from an information perspective.

Let's put it another way. The collections of genes inside living cells are a bit like the cells' recipe books. When a cell needs to do something like manufacture a protein it consults the gene recipe book and follows the instructions there. BRCA1&2 DNA and cDNA have the same information content, in the same order, the same recipes. The BRCA1&2 cDNA recipe book might be shorter and neater, stripped of the waste intron pages, but it contains the same instructions, methods, recipes.

Not only has the Supreme Court not banned patenting human genes, in this case it has granted Myriad Genetics control of the most functionally useful naturally occurring information in BRCA1 and BRCA2 genes.

So as I understand the reasoning, it goes something like this -
  • BRCA1 & BRCA2 genes are naturally occurring DNA segments
  • As naturally occurring DNA segments (with their naturally occurring exon recipe books) they are not patentable just by cutting them out of the DNA chain they form part of
  • Chemistry doesn't cut it - excuse the pun - to earn patent control
  • BRCA1&2 cDNA, however, (with their naturally occurring exon recipe books with the same natural recipes) are patentable because they are different without the introns and there's more chemistry (you have to cut out the genes, cut out the introns, put the exons back together in the same order)
The Supremes themselves, in page 2 of the summary of the decision, say:
"Myriad did not create or alter either the genetic information encoded in the BCRA1 (sic)and BCRA2 (sic) genes or the genetic structure of the DNA. It found an important and useful gene, but groundbreaking, innovative, or even brilliant discovery does not by itself satisfy the §101 inquiry."
Neither has Myriad created or altered the functional genetic information encoded in the BRCA 1 and BRCA2 cDNA. It makes little sense, therefore, that the DNA is not patentable but the cDNA is. Justice Scalia may have been honest in noting he could not sign up to the fine details of molecular biology in the opinion. All nine justices may have had a variable grasp of the science but it seems none of the nine had a proper handle on the information science.

Casual readers should probably call a halt there. I look at some extracts from the decision below.

Justice Thomas in Part I, Section A, pp1-4, attempts to explain the science in the case. I can't help feeling the inclusion of pictures/illustrations could have helped his task enormously here. I wonder when courts looking at science and technology are going to embrace science and technology beyond text to help deliver their reasoning. In section B he describes Myriad's discovery.
"Myriad discovered the precise location and sequence of what are now known as the BRCA1 and BRCA2 genes. Mutations in these genes can dramatically increase an individual’s risk of developing breast and ovarian cancer... Myriad identified the exact location of the BRCA1 and BRCA2 genes on chromosomes 17 and 13. Chromosome 17 has approximately 80 million nucleotides, and chromosome 13 has approximately 114 million...
Within those chromosomes, the BRCA1 and BRCA2 genes are each about 80,000 nucleotides long. If just exons are counted, the BRCA1 gene is only about 5,500 nucleotides long; for the BRCA2 gene, that number is about 10,200. Knowledge of the location of the BRCA1 and BRCA2 genes allowed Myriad to determine their typical nucleotide sequence. That information, in turn, enabled Myriad to develop medical tests that are useful for detecting mutations in a patient’s BRCA1 and BRCA2 genes and thereby assessing whether the patient has an increased risk of cancer. "
Once they found BRCA1&2 they headed for the patent office. Nine claims from 3 of those resultant patents were under consideration here - claims 1, 2, 5, 6 and 7 of US Patent No. 5,747,282; claim 1 of US Patent no. 5,693,473; and claims 1, 6 & 7 of US Patent no. 5,837,492. From Section C, page 6 of the decision:
"Myriad’s patents would, if valid, give it the exclusive right to isolate an individual’s BRCA1 and BRCA2 genes (or any strand of 15 or more nucleotides within the genes) by breaking the covalent bonds that connect the DNA to the rest of the individual’s genome. The patents would also give Myriad the exclusive right to synthetically create BRCA cDNA"
The italics above are mine. Not only did Myriad want control of the 80,000 nucleotide strings in BRCA1 or BRCA2, they wanted control of any 15 nucleotide strand within the 80,000. Any 15 piece nucleotide string that could be chopped out of BRCA1&2 would belong to Myriad.

Justice Thomas then goes on to explain (p7) that once the patents were granted Myriad sued or threatened to sue "entities that performed BRCA testing" ending up with a monopoly as a result. One of the doctors on the receiving end of the Myriad's legal action along with a number of others returned the compliment several years later declaring Myriad's patents invalid. That case eventually reached the Supreme Court via the District Court which ruled against Myriad and the Federal Circuit appeal court which ruled in favour of Myriad (see pp 9-10 for an outline of the decisions in those courts).

In Part II Section A, Justice Thomas describes the provisions of §101 of the Patent Act.
“Whoever invents or discovers any new and useful . . . composition of matter, or any new and useful improvement thereof, may obtain a patent therefor, subject to the conditions and requirements of this title.”
He follows up with an important exception:
We have “long held that this provision contains an important implicit exception[:] Laws of nature, natural phenomena, and abstract ideas are not patentable.” ... Rather, “‘they are the basic tools of scientific and technological work’ ” that lie beyond the domain of patent protection... the Court has explained, without this exception, there would be considerable danger that the grant of patents would “tie up” the use of such tools and thereby “inhibit future innovation premised upon them.” ... The rule against patents on naturally occurring things is not without limits, however, for “all inventions at some level embody, use, reflect, rest upon, or apply laws of nature, natural phenomena, or abstract ideas,” ...patent protection strikes a delicate balance between creating “incentives that lead to creation, invention, and discovery” and “imped[ing] the flow of information that might permit, indeed spur, invention.”
Part II Section B gets onto the meat of the decision.
"It is undisputed that Myriad did not create or alter any of the genetic information encoded in the BRCA1 and BRCA2 genes. The location and order of the nucleotides existed in nature before Myriad found them. Nor did Myriad create or alter the genetic structure of DNA. Instead, Myriad’s principal contribution was uncovering the precise location and genetic sequence of the BRCA1 and BRCA2 genes within chromosomes 17 and 13. The question is whether this renders the genes patentable."
On page 12 Justice Thomas compares Myriad's work to the Chakrabarty case in 1980 where the US Supreme Court held that a modified bacterium used to break down components of crude oil was patentable.
"In this case, by contrast, Myriad did not create anything. To be sure, it found an important and useful gene, but separating that gene from its surrounding genetic material is not an act of invention.
Groundbreaking, innovative, or even brilliant discovery does not by itself satisfy the §101 inquiry." {My emphasis}
...
Myriad found the location of the BRCA1 and BRCA2 genes, but that discovery, by itself, does not render the BRCA genes “new . . . composition[s] of matter,” §101, that are patent eligible." {My emphasis again}
From page 14 onwards Justice Thomas tackles Myriad's patent claims.
Many of Myriad’s patent descriptions simply detail the “iterative process” of discovery by which Myriad narrowed the possible locations for the gene sequences that it sought.6
[Note 6: Myriad first identified groups of relatives with a history of breast cancer (some of whom also had developed ovarian cancer); because these individuals were related, scientists knew that it was more likely that their diseases were the result of genetic predisposition rather than other factors. Myriad compared sections of their chromosomes, looking for shared genetic abnormalities not found in the general population. It was that process which eventually enabled Myriad to determine where in the genetic sequence the BRCA1 and BRCA2 genes reside.]
Myriad seeks to import these extensive research efforts into the §101 patent - eligibility inquiry. Brief for Respondents 8–10, 34. But extensive effort alone is insufficient to satisfy the demands of §101.
Nor are Myriad’s claims saved by the fact that isolating DNA from the human genome severs chemical bonds and thereby creates a nonnaturally occurring molecule. Myriad’s claims are simply not expressed in terms of chemical composition, nor do they rely in any way on the chemical changes that result from the isolation of a particular section of DNA. Instead, the claims understandably focus on the genetic information encoded in the BRCA1 and BRCA2 genes. If the patents depended upon the creation of a unique molecule, then a would-be infringer could arguably avoid at least Myriad’s patent claims on entire genes (such as claims 1 and 2 of the ’282 patent) by isolating a DNA sequence that included both the BRCA1 or BRCA2 gene and one additional nucleotide pair. Such a molecule would not be chemically identical to the molecule “invented” by Myriad. But Myriad obviously would resist that outcome because its claim is concerned primarily with the information contained in the genetic sequence , not with the specific chemical composition of a particular molecule."
In essence this section of the decision amounts to two things - firstly the sweat of the brow or hard work is not enough to make something patentable; and secondly Myriad's specific patent claims are not about chemistry, they are about information. Myriad's claims are "concerned primarily with the information contained in the genetic sequence , not with the specific chemical composition of a particular molecule." {My emphasis} That key point is crucial when the Court later distinguishes the patentability of naturally occurring DNA from that of cDNA.

Another small but important point on page 15 related to Myriad's argument that the US PTO's past practice of awarding gene patents was "entitled to deference". Justice Thomas for the Court simply said "We disagree". The notion that decisions of a patent office should not be subject review in the courts is unsustainable. And even the US government had argued in the Federal and Supreme Courts that isolated DNA was not patent-eligible.

That was it on the patentability of isolated DNA. Yet the Court goes on to make the following enormous (il)logical leap in sanctioning cDNA as patent eligible in Part II Section C on page 16-17 of the decision:
"cDNA does not present the same obstacles to patentability as naturally occurring, isolated DNA segments. As already explained, creation of a cDNA sequence from mRNA results in an exons-only molecule that is not naturally occurring. Petitioners concede that cDNA differs from natural DNA in that “the non-coding regions have been removed.” Brief for Petitioners 49. They nevertheless argue that cDNA is not patent eligible because “[t]he nucleotide sequence of cDNA is dictated by nature, not by the lab technician.” Id., at 51. That may be so, but the lab technician unquestionably creates something new when cDNA is made. cDNA retains the naturally occurring exons of DNA, but it is distinct from the DNA from which it was derived. As a result, cDNA is not a “product of nature” and is patent eligible under §101, except insofar as very short series of DNA may have no intervening introns to remove when creating cDNA. In that situation, a short strand of cDNA may be indistinguishable from natural DNA."
Remember that Myriad's claims are "concerned primarily with the information contained in the genetic sequence , not with the specific chemical composition of a particular molecule." Yet the lab technician doing chemistry "unquestionably creates something new when cDNA is made"? The lab technician doing chemistry may well be breaking up gene molecules, clearing out the intron rubbish and rebuilding the molecules with the clean exon components but s/he does not create new genetic information.  So are we dealing with information patents or chemistry patents here?

Well in Part III the Court says "It is important to note what is not implicated by this decision" but this short conclusion doesn't help deal with the confused interpretation of the information science. It does, however, explain Myriad's confidence that their methods patents have received some re-enforcement.
"It is important to note what is not implicated by this decision. First, there are no method claims before this Court. Had Myriad created an innovative method of manipulating genes while searching for the BRCA1 and BRCA2 genes, it could possibly have sought a method patent.
...
Similarly, this case does not involve patents on new applications of knowledge about the BRCA1 and BRCA2 genes. Judge Bryson aptly noted that, “[a]s the first party with knowledge of the [BRCA1 and BRCA2] sequences, Myriad was in an excellent position to claim applications of that knowledge. Many of its unchallenged claims are limited to such applications.” 689 F. 3d, at 1349.
Nor do we consider the patentability of DNA in which the order of the naturally occurring nucleotides has been altered. Scientific alteration of the genetic code presents a different inquiry, and we express no opinion about the application of §101 to such endeavors. We merely hold that genes and the information they encode are not patent eligible under §101 simply because they have been isolated from the surrounding genetic material."
So there is a hint not only that Myriad's method patents may be ok but that the company is in a strong position to claim such patents. Though they approve cDNA patents where the order of the exons is not altered from the DNA from which they are derived, the Court didn't consider the patentability of naturally occurring DNA where the nucloetides have been shuffled.

To conclude, then, let's return to the heart of the decision where the Court has held that:
"A naturally occurring DNA segment is a product of nature and not patent eligible merely because it has been isolated, but cDNA is patent eligible because it is not naturally occurring."
The case is specifically about information encoded in genes not chemistry. Myriad's claims are "concerned primarily with the information contained in the genetic sequence , not with the specific chemical composition of a particular molecule."

The naturally occurring DNA segments that are the BRCA1&2 genes are products of nature and not patent eligible merely because they have been isolated. The isolation and lopping of a gene out of a DNA chain is not sufficient to engender ownership rights over that gene. Fair conclusion.

However, somehow breaking up those genes, throwing away the useless bits (introns) from the cellular recipe book perspective and putting the functional bits (exons) back together in the same order with the same, naturally occurring, information - doing chemistry which is specifically excluded by the Court (pp14-15) as the focus of this decision - such that they provide the same cellular recipes as those naturally occurring in products of nature, does facilitate (patent time limited) ownership rights over BRCA1&2 cDNA. That, in the words of certain fictional Vulcan of Star Trek fame, is illogical.

The upshot is that Myriad can control the useful information in BRCA1 and BRCA2 genes but not the naturally occurring DNA kind. They are "limited" to controlling the same information except in synthetic cDNA form, once some chemical magic has been deployed, to extract the functionally information free introns. (Remember the introns don't make it into the cellular recipe book).

In summary the Court's decision effectively reads:
  • The dispute is concerned primarily with the information contained in the genetic sequence
  • Myriad cannot control the information in the naturally occurring DNA segments that are the BRCA1 & BRCA2 genes; because these are products of nature and not patent eligible merely because they have been discovered/isolated
  • Myriad can control the same information after some chemistry has tidied up the naturally occurring DNA and turned it into synthetic cDNA 
In other words -

It's not about chemistry.

It's about information.

The information cannot be commercially controlled.

If you do some chemistry the same information can be commercially controlled.

QED.

This not the kind of "logic", I suspect, that Paul Otlet, Henri Le Fontaine or Claude Shannon would recognise as such (and Otlet and Le Fontaine were lawyers!).

I'm tempted to launch again into my diatribe on the absence of scientific and technical understanding of the legislature, the executive, and the judiciary but to those who have made it this far, it's probable you have suffered enough.

Update: On the advice of a much more informed scientist friend, the wonderful Jo Davis, I've tweaked the bullet points under the diagram describing the sequence from DNA through RNA to mRNA and onto amino acids and proteins. Apologies for any confusion.

Wednesday, June 12, 2013

Obama's initial reaction to PRISM leak

The video of President Obama's initial public response, on 7 June, to Edward Snowden's PRISM leaks is available on the White House website. He answers a journalist's question 11min 45s into the video.


Monday, June 10, 2013

ORGCon 2103 FISAAA & PRISM

I finally made it to an ORGCon on Saturday. The conference was opened with a Tim Wu keynote telling some stories from his book, The Master Switch, and closed by John Perry Barlow who, perhaps surprisingly, took a 'we have to embrace transparency even in private data' theme.

Undoubtedly the highlight of the show, though, was Caspar Bowden's deeply informed and passionate delivery of a talk on the US Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act of 1978 Amendments Act of 2008, data protection and PRISM, the NSA electronic surveillance program. His slides are available online.

Having prefaced his remarks with the fact that he has acquired his knowledge entirely from information in the public domain, Caspar started out with a whistle stop history of intelligence sharing between the UK and US; including Alan Turing's detention at Ellis Island during the war and subsequent 3 month battle with US intelligence bureaucracy to get access to the stuff he had been sent/invited to see. Turing's treatment led to an agreement between the two governments that the US and UK should not spy on each other.

He went on to explain that the FISA law of 1978 was one of the results of the fallout from Watergate. It was paramount, as far as the US Senate Church Committee was concerned, that American citizens should be differentiated sharply from foreigners and not subject to suspicionless surreptitious surveillance by US agents of state.

Everything changed again post 9/11 when President Bush instigated mass warrantless wiretapping and, in 2007, the Protect America Act eliminated the need for warrants, even secret FISA warrants, for government surveillance of foreign intelligence targets "reasonably believed" to be outside of the US; the Act also gave all the telcos involved in illegally facilitating the mass warrantless wiretapping retrospective immunity from prosecution and ended the requirement for targeted warrants. Then in 2008 came the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act of 1978 Amendments Act which was renewed at the beginning of 2013.

FISA as it now stands (including the FISAAA) has led to the kind of general broad ranging collect everything warrant the Guardian exposed last week. FISAAA essentially means if you are guilty of not being a US citizen your personal data has no protection in a US cloud. Yet European governments and the EU Commission have effectively been oblivious to this in spite of efforts of Caspar and others to inform them. Much of the reaction to the Fighting cyber crime and protecting privacy in the cloud report was on Twitter, falling into the category of amazement and wondering how exactly such unchecked mass surveillance could be going on. US commentators' reactions were muted, even amongst US civil libertarians who Caspar later accused of being entirely silent on the §1881a 'guilty of being a foreigner' FISA surveillance. The report's authors have had a tough time getting conventional journalists to listen and take them seriously about the issue.

Caspar states with some conviction that there is a lot of misleading PR and outright lying about the complete lack of protection for foreign citizens' personal data in the US cloud, in a commercial and political effort to promote the use of US based cloud services. The notion that US law offers good protection to its citizens, "as good or better as foreign law for foreigners" doesn't withstand any kind of serious scrutiny certainly for non US citizens and not a lot for US citizens e.g. if you look at the cases of William Binney, Thomas Drake or Jacob Applebaum.

You might suggest that encryption is the solution but encryption can only protect data to or from the cloud and “lawful” access (FISA §1881a) reaches inside the SSL. Caspar then went on, convincingly again and expounding in some technical detail, the degree to which evolving platform-as-a-service PaaS facilities will enable scalable mass surveillance. ETSI are already developing LIaaS (Lawful interception as a service) standards! Before going on to make some general remarks about the Guardian disclosures about PRISM, he concluded on FISAAA:
  • EU personal data is naked to FISAAA, contrary to much “Cloudwash” White Paper propaganda – 
  • Whilst the PATRIOT Act is bad, FISAAA is much worse for Cloud data
  • US mass-surveillance over foreign political data in Clouds has been lawful since 2008
  • Astonishingly, the EU Commission, DPAs, MS, MEPs, didn't know about FISAAA 1881a until 2012 
  • There are no practical technical defences in sight 
  • Some LIBE Amendments to the draft DPR have been tabled – Consent-with-drastic-warning and whistle-blower protection are essential
  • Need massive vertical investment in indigenous EU Cloud software platforms and operation
  • And FLOSS has crucial security advantages for Cloud 
  • Proposed new EU data protection regulations have been captured by the surveillance state and commerical interests agendas
On PRISM, Caspar rounded off by saying that in addition to direct documentary evidence of the existence of the programme now being in the public domain, possibly the most significant development last week was the confirmation from James Clapper, the US's Director of National Intelligence, that PRISM was about §1881a of FISAAA (now incorporated as s702 of FISA); §1881a which intentionally targets individuals whose only crime is being guilty of not being a US citizen.

So I'm thinking of adding the following text to my email signature:
Please be aware that this message has, quite likely, been harvested and possibly processed by the NSA, under §1881 FISAAA (now s702 FISA as amended). I am, after all and in fairness to the good guys in the NSA, entirely guilty of the charge of not being a US citizen.
In a final contribution later in the day to the excellent ORGCon 2013, Caspar, at the end of John Perry Barlow's closing keynote, managed to elicit an initially reluctant admission from the EFF founder that the silence from US civil liberties groups on §1881a's blanket licence for the US to spy on the rest of the world had been deafening. When he got JPB to agree to encourage the EFF board to make a noise about §1881a it produced one of the loudest ovations of the day.

In any case, I'm sure ORG will be making audios and videos of the various sessions available in due course and I hope I've convinced at least a few that an hour set aside to view Caspar Bowden's talk would be well worth the investment.

Thanks generally to ORG organisers and volunteers for facilitating such a useful event.

Update: my Google Drive embedded version of  Caspar's slides was causing clunky page loading problems so I've removed the embed code from this post. The version of the slides on the ORG site is much more readable in any case and the video of Caspar's talk is now available on ORG's YouTube channel.

Thursday, June 06, 2013

US ITC order Apple to stop importing/selling certain devices

The US International Trade Commission has issued a limited exclusion order prohibiting Apple from importing or selling "wireless communication devices, portable music and data processing devices, and tablet computers" that infringe one of Samsung's patents

The Commission decided that Samsung proved that the iPhone 4 (AT&T models); iPhone 3GS (AT&T models); iPhone 3 (AT&T models); iPad 3G (AT&T models); and iPad 2 3G (AT&T models) infringe the relevant patent (claims 75-76 and 82-84 of US Patent No. 7,706,348). They dismissed Samsung's claims about Apple's alleged infringement of three other patents.

One commissioner, Commissioner Pinkert, dissented from the majority on public interest grounds.

President Obama has the power to veto the ITC decision within 60 days and Apple are also planning to appeal it through the US federal courts.

A copy of the order is below.

UNITED STATES INTERNATIONAL TRADE COMMISSION Washington, D.C.

In the Matter of
CERTAIN ELECTRONIC DEVICES,INCLUDING WIRELESS COMMUNICATION DEVICES,PORTABLE MUSIC AND DATA PROCESSING DEVICES, AND TABLET COMPUTERS

Inv. No. 337-TA-794

NOTICE OF THE COMMISSION’S FINAL DETERMINATION FINDING A VIOLATION OF SECTION 337; ISSUANCE OF A LIMITED EXCLUSION ORDER AND A CEASE AND DESIST ORDER; TERMINATION OF THE INVESTIGATION

AGENCY: U.S. International Trade Commission.
ACTION: Notice.

SUMMARY:
Notice is hereby given that the U.S. International Trade Commission has found a violation of section 337 in this investigation and has issued a limited exclusion order prohibiting respondent Apple Inc. of Cupertino, California (“Apple”), from importing wireless communication devices, portable music and data processing devices, and tablet computers that infringe claims 75-76 and 82-84 of U.S. Patent No. 7,706,348 (“the ’348 patent”). The Commission has also issued a cease and desist order against Apple prohibiting the sale and distribution within the United States of articles that infringe claims 75-76 and 82-84 of the ’348 patent. The Commission has found no violation based on U.S. Patent Nos. 7,486,644 (“the ’644 patent”), 7,450,114 (“the ’114 patent”), and 6,771,980 (“the ’980 patent”). The Commission’s determination is final, and the investigation is terminated.

FOR FURTHER INFORMATION:
Clark S. Cheney, Office of the General Counsel, U.S.International Trade Commission, 500 E Street, S.W., Washington, D.C. 20436, telephone(202) 205-2661. Copies of non-confidential documents filed in connection with this investigation are or will be available for inspection during official business hours (8:45 a.m. to 5:15 p.m.) in the Office of the Secretary, U.S. International Trade Commission, 500 E Street,S.W., Washington, D.C. 20436, telephone (202) 205-2000. General information concerning the Commission may also be obtained by accessing its Internet server (http://www.usitc.gov). The public record for this investigation may be viewed on the Commission’s electronic docket (EDIS) at
http://edis.usitc.gov. Hearing-impaired persons are advised that information on this matter can be obtained by contacting the Commission’s TDD terminal on (202) 205-1810.

SUPPLEMENTARY INFORMATION:
The Commission instituted this investigation on August 1, 2011, based on a complaint filed by Samsung Electronics Co., Ltd. of Korea and Samsung Telecommunications America, LLC of Richardson, Texas (collectively, “Samsung”).

76 Fed. Reg. 45860 (Aug. 1, 2011). The complaint alleges violations of section 337 of the Tariff Act of 1930, as amended (19 U.S.C. § 1337), in the importation into the United States, the sale for importation, and the sale within the United States after importation of certain electronic devices, including wireless communication devices, portable music and data processing devices,and tablet computers, by reason of infringement of various U.S. patents. The notice of investigation names Apple as the only respondent. The patents remaining in the investigation are the ’348, ’644, ’114, and ’980 patents. The complaint also alleged infringement of U.S. Patent No. 6,879,843, but the investigation with respect to that patent was previously terminated based on withdrawn allegations.

On September 14, 2012, the presiding administrative law judge (“ALJ”) issued his final initial determination (“ID”) finding no violation of section 337 based on the four patents remaining at issue. The ALJ determined that the ’348, ’644, and ’980 patents are valid but not infringed and that the ’114 patent is both invalid and not infringed. The ALJ further determined that the economic prong of the domestic industry requirement was satisfied with respect to the remaining asserted patents, but that the technical prong was not satisfied for any of those patents.

On October 1, 2012, complainant Samsung and the Commission investigative attorney(“IA”) filed petitions for review of the ID, while Apple filed a contingent petition for review.

On November 19, 2012, the Commission determined to review the ID in its entirety.
77 Fed. Reg. 70464 (Nov. 26, 2012). The Commission issued a public notice requesting written submissions from the parties and the public on various topics, many of which concerned the Commission’s authority to issue a remedy for the importation of articles that infringe patents that the patent owner has stated it will license on fair, reasonable, and non-discriminatory(“FRAND”) terms. Other topics concerned patent issues specific to this investigation. The Commission received written submissions from Samsung, Apple, and the IA addressing all of the Commission’s questions. In response to the FRAND-related topics posed to the public, the Commission received responses from the following: Association for Competitive Technology; Business Software Alliance; Ericsson Inc.; GTW Associates; Hewlett Packard Company; Innovation Alliance; Intel Corporation; Motorola Mobility LLC; Qualcomm Incorporated; Research In Motion Corporation; and Sprint Spectrum, L.P.

On March 13, 2013, the Commission issued another public notice requesting written submissions from the parties and the public on various additional topics, including some FRAND-related topics. 78
Fed. Reg. 16865 (March 19, 2013). The Commission received written submissions from Samsung, Apple, and the IA addressing all of the Commission’s questions. In response to the FRAND-related topics posed to the public, the Commission received responses from the following: Association for Competitive Technology; Business Software Alliance; Cisco Systems, Inc.; Hewlett Packard Company; Innovation Alliance; Micron Technology, Inc.; and Retail Industry Leaders Association.

Having examined the record of this investigation, including the ALJ’s final ID and submissions from the parties and from the public, the Commission has determined that Samsung has proven a violation of section 337 based on articles that infringe claims 75-76 and 82-84 of the ’348 patent. The Commission has determined to modify the ALJ’s construction of certain terms in the asserted claims of the ’348 patent, including “controller,” “10 bit TFCI information,” and “puncturing.” Under the modified constructions, the Commission has determined that Samsung has proven that the accused iPhone 4 (AT&T models); iPhone 3GS(AT&T models); iPhone 3 (AT&T models); iPad 3G (AT&T models); and iPad 2 3G (AT&T models) infringe the asserted claims of the ’348 patent. The Commission has further determined that the properly construed claims have not been proven by Apple to be invalid and that Samsung has proven that a domestic industry exists in the United States with respect to the ‘348 patent.The Commission has determined that Apple failed to prove an affirmative defense based on Samsung’s FRAND declarations.

The Commission has determined that Samsung has not proven a violation based on alleged infringement of the ’644, ’980, and ’114 patents. With some modifications to the ALJ’s analysis, the Commission has determined that the asserted claims of the ’644 and ’980 patents are valid but not infringed and that the asserted claims of the ’114 patent are not infringed and are invalid. The Commission has further determined that Samsung did not prove a domestic industry exists in the United States relating to articles protected by the ’644, ’980, and ’114 patents.

The Commission has determined that the appropriate remedy is a limited exclusion order and a cease and desist order prohibiting Apple from importing into the United States or selling or distributing within the United States wireless communication devices, portable music and data processing devices, and tablet computers that infringe claims 75-76 and 82-84 of the ’348 patent. The Commission has determined that the public interest factors enumerated in section 337(d)(1)and (f)(1) do not preclude issuance of the limited exclusion order and cease and desist order. The Commission has determined that Samsung’s FRAND declarations do not preclude that remedy.

Finally, the Commission has determined that a bond in the amount of zero percent of the entered value is required to permit temporary importation during the period of Presidential review (19 U.S.C. § 1337(j)) of wireless communication devices, portable music and data processing devices, and tablet computers that are subject to the order. The Commission’s order and opinion were delivered to the President and to the United States Trade Representative on the day of their issuance. Commissioner Pinkert dissents on public interest grounds from the determination to issue an exclusion order and cease and desist order.

The authority for the Commission’s determination is contained in section 337 of the Tariff Act of 1930, as amended (19 U.S.C. § 1337), and in Part 210 of the Commission’s Rules of Practice and Procedure (19 C.F.R. Part 210).

By order of the Commission.

Lisa R. Barton
Acting Secretary to the Commission

Issued: June 4, 2013



Wednesday, May 08, 2013

Biometric ID systems to end poverty

John Podesta, president of the Centre for American Progress and Casey Dunning, a senior policy analyst for the Sustainable Security and Peacebuilding Initiative at American Progress write in yesterday's Guardian that we can end poverty but the methods may surprise you. (Thanks to Ian Brown for the link via the excellent FIPR alerts list)

If I understand Mr Posesta and Ms Dunning correctly, India's biometric ID scheme proves that:

Social safety nets + biometric technology = no more poor people

Amazing.

Why could we not see it before? 

The answer is magic technology. 

But wait a minute, wasn't magic technology the solution to:

Terrorism
Security
Organised crime
Drug dealers
Child abusers
Immigration
Border control
Benefit fraud
The NHS
Education
Intelligence
Policing
Democratic elections
Miracle cures for everything...

And as for India's biometric ID scheme, Mr Podesta's and Ms Dunning's implied claim regarding its seamless precision targeted cure of Indian poverty is unlikely to be able to withstand any evidence based scrutiny.

Mr Posdesta currently serves on the United Nations High Level Panel of Eminent Persons on the Post-2015 Development Agenda. He is former White House chief of staff to President Bill Clinton.

I think it's time to give up the superficiality, the unbalanced 'balance', the rhetoric, the absurdities, the sensationalism, the straw men, the cynical emotiveness, the appeals to supposed authority, the sarcasm, innuendo, denegration, the manipulation of prejudices & fears, the false and selective statistics, the poisonous demonising of the poor, disabled & otherwise disadvantaged, the reality distortion lens of conventional news media and politics and spend the very little time I get away from battling bureaucrats these days on something more positively nourishing for the little grey cells.

Monday, April 29, 2013

Open Rights Group Digital Surveillance Report

The Open Rights Group has called for targeted and accountable investigatory powers in their new report, Digital Surveillance: Why the Snoopers' Charter is the wrong approach.

Contents

With chapter authors like Duncan Campbell, Caspar Bowden, Peter Sommer and Richard Clayton it couldn't be anything but essential reading. For an 8 minute video summary from Messrs Clayton, Sommer and Campbell check out the video at the ORG website (copy below).



For an amusing ORG skit illustrating just how ridiculous the Home Office plans for the snoopers' charter really are see Professor Elemental builds a Great Machine for Catching Villains.

The Digital Surveillance report concludes that the desire on the part of certain elements of the government to build an infrastructure of mass surveillance is indefensible. ORG argue with some justification the whole area of digital surveillance requires a fundamental evidence-based review with any emergent systems being subject to the checks and balances of the rule of law. That seems a pretty reasonable position to me.
"Just because information is useful to law enforcement does not mean that the state, or law enforcement agencies, or public bodies should be able to order its collection or have access to it. Our privacy rights are essential to ensure that we do not give away the power to collect and use information too cheaply.
The Government’s current proposals, in the form of the Communications Data Bill, is a manifestation of the temptation to grab data where it exists, and of a failure to consider alternatives to blanket collection and retention of data.
Communications surveillance is a useful exercise. But we ask only that it be placed under the rule of law to ensure the effective and accountable use of what are significant powers.
Combined, the articles in this report add up to a call for more targeted, more transparent and more accountable surveillance laws. The authors offer a number of useful recommendations for how to achieve this.
Angela Patrick examines the case for judicial oversight in Chapter 2. She notes that oversight is extremely important where surveillance or data access is kept secret from the person investigated.
Caspar Bowden recommends a policy of ‘data preservation’ rather than blanket data retention. He suggests this could include quick response and emergency processes, and means to intelligently and accountably identify targets. He recommends a unified Surveillance Commissioner capable of carrying out a strong, independent audit with “multi-skilled investigators including human rights and computer experts.”
Joss Wright recommends such audits be supported by stringent penalties for misuse of either powers or data, and for greater transparency.
Simone Halink recommends building user notification into surveillance law, which would require “individuals to be notified by default of a decision authorising the request for their communications data by law enforcement.“ Delays would be appropriate in exceptional circumstances.
Rachel Robinson of Liberty recommends lifting the ban on the use of intercept evidence in court.
Sam Smith of Privacy International recommends investing in law enforcement’s capacity to use and analyse the data already available to them.
Peter Sommer recommends a more overarching review, potentially through a Royal Commission, to properly study surveillance in the digital age.
There is no shortage of ideas that could help inform policy makers’ thinking on surveillance in the digital age. There are other useful resources too. In particular the Draft International Principles on Communications Surveillance and Human Rights, which was put together by a number of civil society groups, provides a “framework against which we can evaluate whether current or proposed surveillance laws and practices are consistent with human rights”.
This includes principles such as user notification, transparency and safeguards against illegitimate access. As Simone Halink points out in her contribution to chapter five, the government’s current proposals fall short when assessed against such principles.
In providing context and recommendations, the articles in this report offer a basis for a conversation about proportionate surveillance laws in the digital age. They are designed to help inform the ongoing policy debate sparked off by the Government’s draft Communications Data Bill and the subsequent inquiry by the Joint Committee."
The report in full is highly recommended but if you're short of time at the moment start by scanning chapters 1 (The history of state surveillance), 3 (Current and future surveillance technology), 4 (Why digital technology poses a problem for surveillance law) and 5 parts I (Data preservation instead of data retention) and VI (The future of surveillance laws).

Monday, April 22, 2013

Patent trolls, finance markets, bad debts & bad patents

I've been thinking about patent trolls or as they like to think of themselves, patent assertion entities, and the energy they have expended in creating a market for buying and selling patents without actually getting involved in the messy business of physically producing anything relating to these patents.

In many ways it was one predictable emergent outcome arising from the broken patent system, the nature of capital markets and the success of a relatively small number of chemical, pharmaceutical, technology and entertainment industry executives in shaping the international intellectual property agenda. The latter story is told brilliantly by Peter Drahos and John Braitwaite in their book Information Feudalism: Who Owns the knowledge Economy, so I won't repeat it here.

What's now of concern in relation to patent trolls is that large numbers of patents are in the hands of commercial entities focused on treating them like structured investment vehicles - financial instruments beautifully dissected by Johns Bird and Fortune when the finance markets collapsed in 2008. Basically lots of bad debts like the so-called sub-prime mortgages were packaged together and labelled as high grade investments; actors in the financial markets competed and gambled casino style on these to extract large profits. The merry frenzy of buying and selling continued until the markets decided to recognise the reality that all the gambling was based on junk and collapsed.



Unfortunately since the patent system is broken - completely in the US - it is polluted with vast numbers of bad patents. Not just bad as in stupid patents on certain kinds of sandwiches or rounded corners on rectangles but bad as in laying claim to the real estate of the knowledge economy. Commercial control of of basic science - chemistry, physics, biology - biotechnology - the genome - business methods, mathematics, economics and more is been dished out through the patent system; and should be (but largely is not) considered a profoundly serious political issue for an aspiring information society. Yet in the thick of the invisible fire sale of the building blocks of science and nature, real inventors who don't have the financial clout to protect themselves from more well heeled exploiters of the system get swallowed up and/or squashed.

Large companies like IBM and Texas Instruments are well versed in monetizing their patent portfolios and using them for competitive advantage or defending their markets - you want to sue us for patent infringement, well I'm sure we can find several goodies in our own big patents box that you will infringe... But at least the IBMs and TIs of the world engage in value added enterprises. The patent battles in the mobile/tablet arena are simply farcical but probably the most prominent recent example of this kind of business practice.

Patent trolls, however, just monetize bundles of patents. They don't add anything to the system in spite of the WSJ letter writer's claim that they "bring new efficiencies to capital markets and innovation". If anything they just increase the incentives for patent offices to issue even more patents regardless of quality.  The concept of patent trolls as white knights that bring "big companies" to book doesn't pass the laugh test. They are not in the business to monitor the business ethics of big companies; they're in it to make money.

I don't have the empirical data to determine what proportion of current patents are legitimate and defensible if they were required to be subject to appropriate forensic scrutiny. Likewise I don't know the relative proportions of finance market SIVs that were (and are) fraudulent junk and were (and are) legitimate investments.  Did/do the finance markets and the patent system contain equivalent or even comparable proportions of junk?

It would be interesting to know but regardless of this the "patent assertion entities" are now and will likely continue to monetize the living daylights out of their  patent portfolio investment instruments. I doubt that politicians of any hew will have any effect on such markets even if they can summon up the stomach to try.

Is it at all possible, though, that the market may eventually call time on the patent trolls' naked emperor, in the same way that it did with sub prime mortgages? It would be fascinating to see the "patent assertion entities'" market collapsing because of the realization that it contained large numbers of effectively indefensible patents. If that were to happen there is a remote possibility that the backlash might create political incentives to renovate the patent system itself. I won't be holding my breath though. It's easier to explain why something is a bad debt than a bad patent.

Update: Michael Risch, a very smart associate professor at Villanova University School of Law, has been giving the question of treating patent portfolios as finance instruments some serious thought. A full draft of his paper, The Securitization of Patents, is available at SSRN.

Friday, April 19, 2013

Nude scanners, suspicionless travel surveillance, gene patents and other stories

I had plans this week to comment on US Supreme Court oral arguments in AMP v Myriad Genetics on the dispute over the BRCA1 & BRCA2 gene patents, the Court's refusal to hear the email privacy case, Jennings v. Broome, the Report of The Constitution Project’s Task Force on Detainee Treatment, Privacy International's OECD complaint against Gamma International for supplying surveillance technologies to Bahrain, the US Supreme Court decision last month, in Kirtsaeng v. John Wiley & Sons,  to allow the parallel importation of copyrighted works. I also intended to complete a long overdue analysis of the NLA v Meltwater appeal decision which is now so late that the UK Supreme Court has got round to referring it, this week, to the European Court of Justice. Sadly the day job left no space. 

So I'll refer you instead to KEI's and Scotusblog's analysis of AMP v Myriad, Ritika Singh's thoughts on the Constitution Project report, KEI's analysis of Kirtsaeng, IPKat's persective on the NLA v Meltwater ECJ referral, and PI themselves on the Gamma complaint. (Jennings v Broome I haven't got any detail on but thanks to Caspar Bowden for alerting me that it had happened).

I'd also recommend a CATO Institute event on travel surveillance with Edward Hasbrouck, (also PapersPlease.org) and Ginger McCall Director, Open Government Program, Electronic Privacy Information Center. Video embedded below.



Hasbrouck focused on the suspicionless surveillance dragnet that now surrounds multiple modes of travel and the massive government coerced transfer of personal data to the travel industry; to which the US government has open unrestricted access. (His slides for the talk are available in full at http://hasbrouck.org/articles/Hasbrouck-Cato-2APR2013.pdf).  He provided multiple examples of permanent and growing files retained by the US government of personal travel throughout the US, Europe and Canada by air, train, bus, private car and even Shank's mare. He accused US companies doing business in Europe of "almost totally" ignoring data protection law and EU data protection authorities of completely failing to enforce the law. On what to do about all this he argued:
" We don't get rights by appealing for them...
We retain rights by exercising them.
The only way is to say no to illegal orders and demands, take the rap and fight it.  Unless people stand up and say no this is not going to move forward. "
Ginger McCall was there to talk about digital strip search machines at airports and EPIC's partial success in challenging the TSA on them. She believes the TSA's public comment process provides a unique opportunity to influence TSA policy on the scanners and that it's really important that ordinary people as well as experts with deep understanding and empirical data participate. She also spoke eloquently about the government and TSA attempts to control the language of the debate on the machines. Over the years "full body scanners" became "body scanners" and now "advanced imaging technology" which they define as "screening technology used to detect concealed anomalies without requiring physical contact with the individual being screened". So much more sanitised that latter terminology don't you think?

Both Hasbrouck and McCall agreed that conditions imposed on the exercise of a right - in this case to travel freely without undue interference from the government or its agencies, public, semi-private and private - must be subject to scrutiny and oversight. In particular, such conditions must be proven to be actually effective in achieving whatever public interest objective is being pursued but also be shown to be the least restrictive approach to achieving that objective. Not only has mass surveillance of travellers not proven effective but it is not clear what the objective of that surveillance is. Additionally, by definition, mass surveillance can never be the least restrictive approach.

In response to a question from the audience Hasbrouk insisted the only mechanism for interference with an individual citizen's right to travel should be a legitimate court issued injunction.

The video runs for 1 hour 18 minutes but the two talks take about 45 minutes, time that won't be wasted engaging with Hasbrouck's passion and McCall's clear analysis.

Wednesday, April 10, 2013

Bublé advice: steal

There's a short Q&A with Michael Bublé in the Guardian today.

I've always enjoyed traditional jazz music - Bing Crosby, Frank Sinatra, Nat King Cole, Louis Armstrong, Gene Kelly, Fred Astaire et al and modern day incarnations like Harry Connick Jr, Kevin Spacey (yes he can sing as well as act) and Bublé.  I don't know much about Bublé as an individual other than he once worked in the Oxford fish market but noted his advice in the Guardian piece to 'a singer':
"Steal from as many people as possible. Rip off one person and you're a thief – but if you steal from everyone, you can tell people it's research."
Always interesting when one of the successful stars bucks the music labels' party line about all piracy being evil and destroying artists' livelihoods. If it wasn't for the distorted rhetoric in the music industry then advising people to draw inspiration from others which is essentially what Bublé is doing here wouldn't be controversial. Still nice to see him be explicit about it.

Wednesday, March 27, 2013

Home Secretary loses Abu Qatada deportation appeal

The Home Secretary has predictably lost her appeal against the the Special Immigration Appeals Commission (SIAC) decision blocking Abu Qatada's (aka Omar Othman) deportation to Jordan. The Court of Appeal's ruling today, Othman v Secretary of State for the Home Department, [2013] EWCA Civ 277 is available online.

The key to understanding the decision is to separate the notion that Abu Qatada might be a really nasty bad guy who wishes us ill will and harm from the issue before the court i.e. did SIAC err in law in concluding there is a risk that Qatada will not get a fair trial in Jordan due to a "real risk" that evidence obtained by torture would be used in such a trial. SIAC said -
"78. The Secretary of State has not satisfied us that, on a retrial, there is no real risk that the impugned statements of Abu Hawsher and Al-Hamasher would be admitted probatively against the appellant."
They also stated -
"87. We remain convinced that the government of Jordan can and will fulfil its assurances about the treatment of the appellant on return...Like the Strasbourg Court, we remain satisfied that those assurances provide, in their practical application, a sufficient guarantee that the appellant will be protected against the risk of ill-treatment by or at the behest of Jordanian state agents."
SIAC, like the UK government and the European Court of Human Rights, did not believe Qatada would be tortured in Jordan. However, SIAC did decide that his trial in Jordan, should he be deported, may be tainted by evidence obtained by torture.

The Court of Appeal note right up front that Abu Qatada is considered dangerous but that the key question is the risk that evidence obtained by torture would be used in his trial in Jordan:
1. Omar Othman is regarded by the United Kingdom government as an exceptionally high risk terrorist. For a number of years, the Secretary of State for the Home Department has been seeking to deport him from the United Kingdom to Jordan under section 5(1) of the Immigration Act 1971 (“the 1971 Act”) as a person whose deportation is deemed to be conducive to the public good. He has already been tried and convicted in his absence in Jordan for offences of the utmost seriousness. If returned to Jordan, he will face a retrial. The issue that lies at the heart of the present (and earlier) proceedings is the proper assessment of the risk that the evidence against him at the retrial would include statements that have been obtained by torture and, if so, what effect this has on the lawfulness of his deportation."
The burden on the Home Secretary's lawyers before the Appeal Court was to prove that SIAC had made errors in law in concluding that there is a real risk that a trial of Abu Qatada in Jordan would include evidence obtained by torture. Essentially they could not prove that SIAC made such errors, so the Court denied the appeal.
"Overall conclusion
56. Mr Othman is considered to be a dangerous and controversial person. That is why this case has attracted so much media attention. It is entirely understandable that there is a general feeling that his deportation to Jordan to face trial is long overdue. But the principles that we have to apply do not distinguish between extremely dangerous persons and others who may not constitute any danger in the United Kingdom and whom the Secretary of State wishes to deport to face trial in another country. The fact that Mr Othman is considered to be a dangerous terrorist is not relevant to the issues that are raised on this appeal. It would be equally irrelevant if we were deciding the question whether there was a real risk that he would be tortured if he were returned to Jordan.
57. Strasbourg recognises that it is only in a very rare case that a state should be prevented by the ECHR from deporting persons to face trial in the courts of another country. The fact that there is a risk that the deported person will not have a fair trial is not enough. There must be a real risk that he or she will suffer a flagrant denial of justice. Strasbourg has rightly set the bar very high. The unfairness must be of a very high order. What is required is a real risk of a breach of the principles of a fair trial guaranteed by article 6 which is “so fundamental as to amount to a nullification, or destruction of the very essence, of the right guaranteed by that article”.
58. Torture is universally abhorred as an evil. A state cannot expel a person to another state where there is a real risk that he will be tried on the basis of evidence which there is a real possibility may have been obtained by torture. That principle is accepted by the Secretary of State and is not in doubt. That is the principle which SIAC had to apply in the present case in the light of all the evidence that it heard and read. This included evidence as to what had happened and what there was a real risk would happen if Mr Othman faced a retrial on the very serious charges that he faces. SIAC found that there was a real risk that evidence obtained by torture would be admitted at the retrial and that, as a consequence, there was a real risk that he would be subject to a flagrant denial of justice.
59. In order to succeed in this appeal, the Secretary of State has to show that SIAC erred in law. It is not sufficient to persuade us that we would have reached a different conclusion on the facts and Mr Eadie rightly recognised the difficulty of such an exercise. The Secretary of State accepts that SIAC directed itself properly as to the general legal test to apply. Her case that SIAC nevertheless erred in law is based on a detailed examination of a careful and comprehensive judgment. As we have stated at paras 5 and 6 above, criticisms of this kind of a decision by a specialist tribunal are particularly difficult to sustain. For the reasons that we have given, we are satisfied that SIAC did not commit any legal errors.
60. This appeal must therefore be dismissed."
I suspect the declaration that the "fact that Mr Othman is considered to be a dangerous terrorist is not relevant to the issues that are raised on this appeal" will have some people scratching their heads in wonder and the Home Secretary, the usual mass media suspects and the angry mob decrying 'out of touch' judges.

Yet the Secretary of State herself, if the submissions of her lawyers before the Court of Appeal are to be believed, accepts in law that a "state cannot expel a person to another state where there is a real risk that he will be tried on the basis of evidence which there is a real possibility may have been obtained by torture." That fundamental principle is blind to whether the person involved is considered dangerous or indeed any other idiosyncratic personality traits and for the time being at least it means that Abu Qatada will remain in the UK.

Cheat note for the occasional reader who enjoys legalese chomping - if you're short on time, try skimming paragraphs 1, 14, 17-18, 23-29, 33-34, 46 and 55-60 of the Court of Appeal's ruling to get a reasonably rounded understanding of the thinking of the Master of the Rolls, Lord Dyson and his compatriots Lord Justices Richards and Elias.

Update: Conor Gearty, a professor of human rights at the London School of Economics, has an excellent piece in Thursday's Guardian on the case, Abu Qatada: the law won.